The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump: A Study In Political Psychology, Political Criminology, and Psychohistory, and as the aid for the General, Criminal and the Counterintelligence Investigations of Donald Trump - by Michael Novakhov, M.D. (Mike Nova): Web Research, Analysis, Hypotheses, and Opinions | Current News | Reviews of media reports | Selected reading lists | Site: http://trumpinvestigations.org/
1:35 PM 1/23/2019 - The New Abwehr and German intelligence services | 11:05 AM 8/18/2018 – The German Intelligence was behind McCarthyism, it is the same, basic, unmistakable tactic
The German Intelligence was behind McCarthyism, it is the same, basic, unmistakable tactic: to set up the (two main, and not so “former”) conquerors against each other. Logically, there is nothing else there, no other efficient tactic could be employed in that and still this situation.
It was done by the book and by the crook.
This is one more historical – counterintelligence mystery to unravel. The “Trump – Russia Affair” leads to it directly. The Design was to implicate the Soviets and the Russians, the real culprit and the “Mastermind” was the German Intelligence. And the very clear antisemitic under and overtones do show in both cases also.
German historians have so far shown little interest in the history of intelligence services and in the role the craft of intelligence played in national and international politics. The sole exception is found in the historical writings on East Germany between 1945 and 1990, where the Ministry for State Security – or Stasi – has become the subject of dozens of highly valuable studies. This neglect cannot be explained simply by pointing to the difficulties in getting access to relevant source materials. A more plausible explanation is found in the reluctance on the part of most German intellectuals to study the broader questions of war and peace in international politics. Military history has been marginalised in post-1945 German universities. The same is largely true of international security studies, defence studies, studies of insurgency, terrorism and various related subjects. Peace and conflict studies, a discipline established sometime in the 1970s, has mostly avoided both war or intelligence. The deeper reasons for this neglect lie both in Germany’s psychological atmosphere and in academic politics. Spy novels and spy movies are as popular in Germany as anywhere but their heroes almost never are Germans. Even those German intelligence officers and spies who worked against Hitler and might therefore be regarded as heroes are barely known in present-day Germany. Those few scholars who are now trying to build up the field of intelligence studies get little help from their government or from private funders. While East Germany publicly revered communist spies like Richard Sorge and Klaus Fuchs, the West German Bundesnachrichtendienst did and does nothing to publicise its achievements.
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The German Federal Intelligence Service (BND) has been spying on the government of Israel, the interior ministries of Austria and Belgium, the UK Defense Ministry and the headquarters of OPEC and IMF, German media reported Saturday.
BERLIN, Jan. 15 (Xinhua) — Germany’s domestic intelligence service (BfV) has labelled the far right populist party Alternative fuer Deutschland (AfD) as a so-called examination case, the German newspaper Tagesspiegel reported on Tuesday.
Based on public statements by AfD members and connections to right-wing extremists, the domestic intelligence service will investigate to which extend right-wing extremist efforts are being made by the AfD, according to Tagesspiegel.
In September 2018, the Thuringian office of the BfV had already declared the regional branch of the AfD as such an examination case. Now, the AfD will be under the scrutiny of Germany’s domestic intelligence service nationwide.
The AfD youth organization “Junge Alternative” (JA) and the AfD internal group “Der Fluegel” are already classified as suspect cases by the German intelligence service, which marks the next level after the examination case. In some German states, the youth organization JA is even under surveillance by the BfV.
In the event of a suspected case, German intelligence services are able to use measures such as observation and cooperation with informants as well as the recording of personal data.
Bjoern Hoecke, spokesman for the group “Der Fluegel” within the AfD and chairman of the Thuringian AfD regional branch, had, among other things, described the Holocaust memorial in Berlin as a “memorial of disgrace” and called for the German government’s policy of memory with regard to the Third Reich to be “changed by 180 degrees”.
The German Federal Office for IT Security said it was “intensively examining the case in close cooperation with other federal authorities”. There is currently “no risk to government networks”, it added.
“Those responsible want to damage confidence in our democracy and their institutions,” Katarina Barley, the German justice minister, said.
Details are yet to emerge of exactly what the vast trove of leaked data includes, but there have been conflicting reports as to whether it could be damaging.
Most reports spoke of mundane information such as email address books and private phone numbers, but Julian Röpcke of Bild newspaper tweeted that he had found “shocking” details.
The German president, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, was among those targeted by the leaks. Robert Habeck, the leader of the Green Party, was one of those worst hit, with his private family photos leaked as well as work emails.
While most of those involved were politicians, prominent journalists and entertainers were also affected, including the well-known comedians Jan Böhmermann and Christian Ehring, and the German rappers Marteria and KIZ.
The fact that AfD politicians were not targeted in the leaks will raise suspicions those responsible may be AfD supporters or allied to the party in some way.
HALLE, Germany — Christmas carols were playing and the scent of ginger hung in the crisp December air. Students sold organic plum compote and served mulled wine in biodegradable cups made from sugar cane. But then there were the postcards.
“Islamization? Not with us,” read one. “Defend yourself! This is your country,” urged another. “Fortress Europe,” said a third. “Shut the borders.”
This was no ordinary Christmas market, but one hosted by Generation Identity, a far-right youth movement under observation by several European intelligence services. Part hippie, part hipster, the activists of Generation Identity are one result of a broad image makeover the far right has tried to give itself in recent years.
Better dressed, better educated and less angry than the skinheads of old — at least in public — they see themselves on the front line of a counterrevolution fought by a loose but increasingly well-networked web of actors in politics, publishing, civil society and business who call themselves the “new right.”
Their aim: to bring down liberalism and rid Europe of non-European immigrants.
The “new right” seeks to distance itself from the “old right,” which in Germany means neo-Nazis. Many analysts and officials consider this little more than clever rebranding. But they worry that it could allow groups like Generation Identity to act as a conduit between conservatism and extremism and draw young people into their orbit.
The number of committed Generation Identity followers in Germany is relatively small, estimated by Germany’s domestic intelligence service at 400 to 500, and there are thought to be a few thousand Europewide. But officials say the number of sympathizers is far larger.
Despite a ban from Facebook, which deprived the group of an important campaigning and fund-raising platform, its members continue to be active on YouTube, Twitter and the Russian platform VK, where slick branding amplifies their message.
“They have given extremism a friendly face,” said Stephan Kramer, the domestic intelligence chief of the east-central state of Thuringia.
Several Generation Identity activists have a past in avowed neo-Nazi circles. But their methods are straight out of a leftist playbook.
They study Gandhi and Gene Sharp, a guru of nonviolent resistance. They experiment with communal living and organic gardening. And like leftist student rebels in the 1970s or militant environmentalists in the 1990s, they stage attention-seeking flash-mob protests.
Last year, they chartered a boat in the Mediterranean to stop refugees from coming to Europe. This year they hired helicopters and temporarily closed an Alpine pass in France. In Vienna, they once covered a statue of Empress Maria Theresa with a burqa. In Berlin, they climbed onto the Brandenburg Gate to unfurl a banner that read “Secure borders — secure future.”
“We are a kind of Greenpeace for Germany,” said Philip Thaler, a 25-year-old political-science student and a co-founder of the Halle chapter of Generation Identity.
He and his fellow activists sip cafe lattes or “Identity Pils,” their own branded craft beer, and discuss the future of the welfare state, which they contend is doomed at current levels of immigration. They study and date across European borders (Mr. Thaler’s girlfriend is French).
And they pride themselves in their rebellion. “We are the punks of today,” said Ingrid Weiss, a 24-year-old Austrian activist. “If you want to be a rebel today you have to be on the right.”
Liberals are furious when far-right extremists are normalized. But it is one of the wrinkles of the new right that their lifestyles are familiar and modern — and so are some of their ideas: They bemoan rising inequality and a consumerism bereft of moral meaning.
When it comes to migration, they have purged their language of crude racism. Instead of “Germany to the Germans” or “foreigners out,” they call for “re-migration” — meaning sending immigrants who do not assimilate back to their ancestral homes.
They call themselves “ethnopluralists,” arguing that all cultures would thrive by remaining broadly homogeneous, and accuse liberal politicians of engineering a “great replacement” to supplant white Europeans with Muslims.
In this worldview, it is liberals who are undermining Western democracy by overstretching the welfare state and allowing fundamentalist Islam into the country.
“The utopia of multiculturalism was an experiment, but it has failed,” says Martin Sellner, the charismatic 29-year-old Austrian leader of the movement whose fiancée is an American YouTuber with links to the alt-right. “Like communism, cosmopolitanism has failed.”
The intellectual veneer on what is ultimately an argument against pluralism is typical of the new right, Mr. Kramer said. “When you break it down, it’s nothing but the racial theories that existed under the Nazis,” he said.
The different layers of the far right are neatly crystallized in the four-story apartment building opposite the university campus in Halle that hosted the recent Christmas market.
From the outside, the building looks innocuous enough. There are patches of graffiti on the facade and a communal garden project in the back. Rap blares from an open window. Young people in hoodies flow in and out the front door.
But inside, the ecosystem of the “new right” comes into focus: Bought by the secretive Titurel foundation, which was set up by a wealthy Bavarian donor, the building houses a bar, a library and communal living space for the activists of Generation Identity.
Up the stairs is a crowdfunding organization called “One Percent” and a far-right clothing label. There is also an office of the Institute for State Politics, a far-right think tank co-founded by the prominent publisher Götz Kubitschek, the new right’s intellectual godfather in Germany.
Until two months ago, Hans-Thomas Tillschneider, a lawmaker from the far-right party Alternative for Germany, had his office here, too. He moved out pre-emptively, as the domestic intelligence service weighs whether to start observing the party, as well.
Officially, the AfD has no links to Generation Identity. But in Halle one recent afternoon, the links were openly touted.
“We have street activists, we have a think tank, we have a publishing house and we have a political party in Parliament,” said Simon Kaupert of One Percent.
Mr. Kaupert used to work for the AfD. Over all, “dozens” of supporters of Generation Identity work for the party, he said.
Franziska Schreiber, who left the AfD last year and has written a book about the party, estimates that “at least half the members of the AfD’s own youth wing are followers of Generation Identity.”
That revolving door with AfD, now Germany’s main opposition party in Parliament, has raised concerns in intelligence circles, especially after street protests in the eastern city of Chemnitz over the summer showed the AfD and ordinary citizens marching side by side with extremists. Generation Identity activists were there, too.
Thomas Haldenwang, the new domestic intelligence chief, speaks of a “new dynamic on the right” and announced recently that he would increase the number of agents dealing with the far right by 50 percent. In January, his office is expected to decide whether the AfD will come under general observation.
“We’ve known for a long time that numerous followers of Generation Identity work for the AfD in different parliaments,” said Konstantin von Notz, a lawmaker of the Greens party and deputy leader of the parliamentary committee that oversees the intelligence services. “A deliberate infiltration of democratic institutions is taking place.”
Despite having cleaned up their language, Mr. von Notz said, “They are deeply anti-Democratic, often very anti-Semitic and openly racist.”
At the recent Christmas market, activists disputed this. But they openly expressed their admiration for Hungary’s semi-authoritarian prime minister, Victor Orban, and Italy’s nationalist vice premier Matteo Salvini.
“We don’t want to become minorities in our own countries,” said Alex Malenki, a 26-year-old business student from Saxony who posts video blogs on YouTube.
Mr. Thaler said his main motivation for joining the movement had been his frustration with not being allowed to say he was proud to be German.
“If you are a patriot, if you support ethnocultural identity, you are immediately being put in the extremist corner,” he said. “I don’t want to have to justify myself for saying, yes, there is such a thing as Germany, and we want to preserve it.”
This is where liberalism has failed, Mr. Kramer said.
“These people operate in the moral vacuum that has been left by our politicians,” he said. “Patriotism, community, identity — these are instinctive needs people have and that were denied them for a long time.”
That some of their views can now be heard in Parliaments and on the street gives them a new quality. “The question is: Can we still stop it?” Mr. Kramer said. “That’s a question that concerns our liberal democracy.”
A lawyer of Turkish origin was appointed as the Vice President of Germany's Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), becoming the country’s first official with an immigrant background in intelligence services, the London-based pan-Arab newspaper Asharq al-Awsat reported on Monday.
Born in Istanbul and a graduate of Köln University’s faculty of law, Sinan Selen’s appointment was announced on the BfV site on Monday, the newspaper said.
Selen has been involved with German security services institutions since 2000, serving as head investigator in the case of the 2006 German train bombing attempts and later joining the Interior Ministry as a specialist on counterterrorism measures for federal security agencies.
In 2011, he was appointed as the Head of Counterterrorism Task Force of the Interior Ministry, where he served for over five years.
When Andreas Kalbitz was elected to represent the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in Brandenburg state parliament, he immediately signed a membership application for the "German Parliamentary Society." The venerable club, founded in 1951, is located right next to the Reichstag building in Berlin and is open to all state and federal representatives. Kalbitz enjoys eating lunch in the "PG's" restaurant, where waiters in white livery know that he likes his white wine with extra ice cubes. Sometimes Kalbitz will retire to one of the club's plush salons for private conversations or spend his evenings at the bar in the basement. "Here is a refined parliamentary culture in the style of British clubs," raves Kalbitz, a former paratrooper.
But if you believe Germany's domestic intelligence agency, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), Kalbitz has no business belonging to a club that, in its own words, strives to promote a culture of "parliamentary collegiality." Kalbitz is suspected of posing a threat to the country's liberal democratic constitution. Just a few days ago, the BfV announced it was looking into initiating surveillance of the party's youth organization, the "Young Alternative." Meanwhile, the agency views the party's ultra-conservative faction, known as "The Wing," with an even greater degree of suspicion.
DER SPIEGEL has obtained a BfV report of more than 400 pages in which the agency does not condemnthe AfD as a whole. But its focus on "The Wing" and its leader, Björn Höcke, is a tough blow to the far-right camp. The BfV closely analyzed the "ethno-nationalist ideology" of Höcke, Kalbitz and their like-minded colleagues. The report also makes clear that the intelligence service has run out of patience with AfD leaders Jörg Meuthen and Alexander Gauland's strategy of shirking responsible for the radicals in their party.
Kalbitz himself is a master of ambiguous communication. When he's not out in the marketplaces and taverns, instead finding himself in more dignified surroundings like the parliamentary society, the 46-year-old's tone is much milder. He recently offered a bottle of Crémant to anyone who could find even a single instance of hate speech against Muslims in any of his press releases. He doesn't seem terribly perturbed by the fact that his power base has fallen into the intelligence service's crosshairs. "OK, so I won't be able to live out my subversion fantasies on the phone anymore," he jokes.
At the lectern, however, Kalbitz knows exactly how to rile up his audience. The BfV has put him in the same ideological camp as Höcke, both of whom call for Muslims and refugees to be stripped of their legal rights. Kalbitz has only malice and contempt for his political opponents and has suggested civil war may be unavoidable.
A Dangerous Development
For a long time, the AfD's "Wing" faction was able to avoid the intelligence agency's scrutiny. The BfV's former head, Hans-Georg Maassen, was considered within the party to be a secret supporter of the AfD and the party's moderate wing, the "Alternative Middle," remained weak and marginalized. "The Wing" acts strategically, renouncing any fixed organizational structures and theoretically accepting anyone who signs the founding manifesto. So far, some 3,000 people have done so. But: "A membership in the traditional sense is not possible," the faction says.
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"The Wing" also has no formal leadership structure, not even a designated head. Yet everyone within the AfD still knows who calls the shots within the faction: Höcke and Kalbitz. "Don't picture something rigid or bureaucratic," Kalbitz says. "Affiliation is based on commitment." Depending on what's needed at the time, they seek out the necessary actors. Often the goal isn't to get their own people elected, but to "slow down or correct" certain positions or people whose views don't correspond to those of "The Wing."
The intelligence agency has made clear that the precautionary measures haven't helped. "The Wing" is "a majority of people who pursue a common purpose" -- that's sufficient to put the faction under observation. It's a potentially dangerous development for Höcke and Kalbitz, the party's respective leaders in the German states of Thuringia and Brandenburg. Kalbitz notes contentedly that he hasn't come under open attack from anyone within the AfD, but the party does have many civil servants in its ranks. Official observation of a group within the party they belong to could have serious occupational consequences.
The BfV has evaluated all of the statements made by alleged "Wing" followers, especially those made at the right-wingers' annual "Kyffhäuser summit," named for the low mountain range nearby. The ideology of Höcke, Kalbitz and other speakers is antithetical to human dignity and the rule of law, the BfV's report found. The AfD members are "unwilling to accept democratic decisions that contradict their ideology," the report states, adding that the party views other parties as "more than simply an opponent with a different opinion, but part of a despicable system that must be renewed from the ground up."
According to the far-right faction's worldview, the German folk is everything while the individual is nothing. Non-Germans are, for Höcke, "foreign bodies" for whom integration is impossible and who must, therefore, be ostracized. When Höcke talks about his idea of "re-migration" of foreigners, it is but a "thinly veiled demand for the arbitrary revocations of citizenship and indiscriminate mass deportations," according to the report.
Höcke's name appears hundreds of times in the report, more than any other. Officials carefully analyzed his speeches as well as his book, and they also looked at statements he made before his involvement with the AfD. They believe the research of the sociologist Andreas Kremper, who collected evidence that Höcke had written for the right-wing extremist National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) before joining the AfD. The report's authors said it was "almost undeniable" that Höcke was the same person as the NPD author "Landolf Ladig." Höcke's diction "has linguistic and argumentative similarities with well-known interpretive patterns" of the NPD, such as when he warns of the impending death of the German people.
The officials noted that Höcke's partner Kalbitz expresses himself much more carefully, but they said that his sometimes-ambiguous statements must be seen in the context of Höcke's speeches.
For years, Kalbitz has successfully managed to avoid any real scrutiny. He ascended through his party's ranks and eventually became the floor leader and chairman of the AfD's state chapter in Brandenburg despite a reputation for moving in far-right circles. The BfV's report lists some of Kalbitz's stations in life, from his association with the national-conservative Republicans in the '90s -- back when that party was under observation by Germany's domestic spy service -- to the right-wing extremist organizations Kalbitz spent time around, including the "Witikobund," the "Junge Landsmannschaft Ostpreussen" and the "Heimattreue Deutsche Jugend."
The latter organization sought to indoctrinate children in imitation of the Hitler Youth and is now banned. Kalbitz once visited a tent camp the organization had set up and today sys it is "rather cheap" for journalists to bring it up. He claims to have been invited to come along on a visit to the camp, but he can allegedly no longer remember who issued the invitation or why. As to why he accepted the invitation, he says AfD voters "aren't interested" in such questions.
'Splinters of Suspicion'
The BfV's report, which includes 1,000 pages of source material, includes an endless list of taboo violations. The sober bureaucratic language in which the report was composed is in stark contrast with the quotations about "foreign peoples," the "audacity of economic migrants" or "birth jihad." BfV officials have identified similar language across all levels of the AfD -- but these are merely "splinters of suspicion," they say, not "sufficiently hardened" for an observation of the entire party and the "deployment of intelligence resources."
The BfV officials hold the AfD's leadership, particularly the co-heads Meuthen and Gauland, partly responsible for "The Wing." The report argues, for instance, that neither man has demonstrated "a clear distancing or rejection" of the right-wing extremist identitarian movement. The intelligence officials also noted "that the AfD's federal leaders, who answer for the entire party ... have in no way distanced themselves from the aggressive diction of the 'Wing' protagonists." On the contrary, the reported states: At "The Wing" events, the AfD's leaders often use the same terminology and manner of speaking as those on the far-right.
Meuthen, an economics professor, tries to curate a "moderate, integrative image for himself in the media," the report says, though it adds that at the Kyffhäuser summit he uses "aggressive xenophobic rhetoric." With Gauland, the AfD's parliamentary floor leader in the Bundestag, the BfV agency noted only an "ethno-nationalist view of society."
In the future, the AfD's leaders will have a harder time dismissing Höcke as an insignificant regional player. From now on, the BfV will register how the party's high functionaries react to his outbursts, with the report citing Höcke's call last September to join demonstrations in the eastern German city of Chemnitz, which was the site of a weekend of ugly race riots. Intelligence officials said the city became host to an "extremist-friendly mix" of normal citizens, neo-Nazis and hooligans.
Despite the report's findings, the BfV agency's interventions against the AfD likely won't be terribly disruptive. While it's true that intelligence officials could use covert surveillance to monitor "The Wing" and the "Junge Alternative" more closely, the methods used would have to be proportionate. That means eavesdropping on phone calls is pretty much out of the question. To do that, the "G10 Commission" in the Bundestag would have to get involved, but that step is generally only taken against Islamist terror suspects or violent right-wing or left-wing extremists. It's also unlikely that the BfV would be permitted to use informants, according to officials. At most, the agency could install observation teams and save person-specific information in the data network shared by Germany's federal and state-level intelligence services.
All the same, Kalbitz said the AfD was still exploring legal action. "I'm used to being maliciously misunderstood. But it's new that a federal agency is doing it," he says. Take one of Kalbitz's despicable quotes, for instance, about what a failure of the AfD would mean for Germany. In 2017, he told a group of "Wing" adherents: "All that would be left would be to say: 'Helmets on!'" The BfV agency, he complains, didn't bother to mention what he said next: "But I don't want that."
An American general remembers Russia's complex military intelligence chief, who shaped the Ukraine incursion — and worked hard to bridge the East-West gap.
In February 2014, contact ceased between U.S. and Russian military intelligence as part of an overall shutdown of defense relations in the wake of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea. It was the right policy move at the time, but it’s time to get U.S. and Russian military leaders, including intelligence officials, talking to each other again.
One unlikely and subtle advocate of the value of personal communications was the chief of Russian military intelligence, Igor Sergun, who died suddenly on Jan. 3 of a probable heart attack. Recently promoted to Colonel General, Sergun was only 58 years old, young even for an overworked, highly stressed Russian male. An experienced special operations veteran who made his name in the restive Northern Caucasus, Sergun became GRU chief in 2011, later becoming one of the troublingly imaginative architects of Russia’s hybrid, proxy aggression in Ukraine.
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I’m frankly unsure how to feel about his death. As a career U.S. Army military intelligence officer, and our senior military attaché to Russia from 2012 to 2014, I met with General Sergun and his staff several times for extended periods. I found him soft-spoken, unassuming, complex, erudite and nuanced. And I learned that even as Sergun relentlessly directed global intelligence operations against our interests, he — paradoxically — also viewed constant confrontation with the U.S. and West as not in Russia’s best long-term interest.
Before U.S.–Russia relations collapsed, Sergun facilitated increased contact between our countries’ military intelligence leaders. During 2012-13, I watched as U.S. and Russian intelligence chiefs from strategic regional and global commands discreetly met in cities across Russia: Khabarovsk in the east, Rostov in the south, and also Sochi, just before the 2014 Winter Olympics. These meetings — which were often the first face-to-face interactions between these senior U.S. and Russian MI officers — always entailed straightforward, cordially hardnosed discussions that intelligence officers understood from a world of black and gray, and rarely white, as traditional adversaries, often foes. Clearly, both sides entered cautiously, but increasingly saw substantive talks emerge on carefully cleared topics.
Abwehr After WW2: Operations “Trump Card”, “Call 9/11”, and “MuckCart-hy” | The Open Letter to the World Leaders – By Michael Novakhov 7:09 AM 9/24/2018 – Maassen and Manafort – Google Search | Russia News M.N.: One is out, the scores to go. Investigate and Purge. Purge and Investigate. Not a single fact, detail or occurrence of the “Trump – Russia Affair”, Manafort – Ukraine – Hapsburg Group Affair”, “Salisbury Poisoning Affair”, and most likely many others were unknown to the German Intelligence. Investigate them in the UTMOST DEPTH, their connections with the Abwehr after the WW2, and all the other relevant issues raised in this and other blogs and posts which address them. This reality show is performed in the genre of cabaret, with The Demiurge playing the role of the invisible, omnipotent, omniscient, obsessive-compulsive, meticulous, artistic, pedantic Master of Ceremonies. And he left his signature too, as usually. The latest of them are: “Boshirov” and “Petrov”: Boshi (the Germ…
Post LinkC-SPAN has launched a new web page, c-span.org/impeachment, devoted to Congress' impeachment inquiry into President Donald Trump.The goal is to provide one-stop shopping for all of C-SPAN's coverage of the inquiry, including the latest Hill tweets, various news conferences and hearings, and the Trump Administration's response.