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Reports: Atlanta rapper T.I.'s sister, Precious Harris, has died

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President of Ukraine praises way Trump handles Putin - Fox News
Reports: Atlanta rapper T.I.'s sister, Precious Harris, has died - Atlanta Journal Constitution
Yulia Tymoshenko is a threat to pro-EU reforms in Ukraine
After Slip In Polls, Tymoshenko Goes Low In Ukraine Campaigning
bne IntelliNews - Tymoshenko out of Ukraine top-two presidential candidates, new poll says
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Robert Mueller Investigation: What Might Happen When It's Done - NPR
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Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michelin-star restaurant RiFF in Valencia, Spain - Google Search
Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠ 
President of Ukraine praises way Trump handles Putin - Fox News

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from "trump putin" - Google News.

President of Ukraine praises way Trump handles Putin  Fox NewsThe president of Ukraine Friday strongly endorsed President Donald Trump's leadership and the way he handles Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Reports: Atlanta rapper T.I.'s sister, Precious Harris, has died - Atlanta Journal Constitution

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Top stories - Google News.

  1. Reports: Atlanta rapper T.I.'s sister, Precious Harris, has died  Atlanta Journal Constitution
  2. T.I.'s Sister Precious Harris Dead At 66  TMZ
  3. T.I.'s Sister Precious Harris Passes Away  HotNewHipHop
  4. T.I.’s Older Sister Precious Harris Dead at 66 Following Car Accident  PEOPLE.com
  5. Update: T.I.'s Sister Precious Harris Passes Away at Age 66  VladTV
  6. View full coverage on Google News
Yulia Tymoshenko is a threat to pro-EU reforms in Ukraine

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Emerging Europe.

Since the 2014 change of government in Ukraine driven by the country’s pro-EU aspirations, and Russia’s subsequent war on the country, the state of affairs in Ukraine has become a focal point for the European Union. Russia’s now half-decade long unlawful war against the country has also made a successful, western-oriented Ukraine critical for Europe’s security and stability.
The 2018 “Keeping Ukraine on the Reform Path” discussion paper (prepared for the EU Council by the foreign ministers of thirteen EU member states who are “friends of Ukraine”) said that: “For Europe, the success of Ukraine is of strategic importance.” The paper also called Ukraine’s presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019 “a test for Ukraine.” These statements remind us what is at stake for the European Union in Ukraine’s 2019 elections, particularly the presidential elections in March.
Recent polls indicate that reformist candidates – including the incumbent President Petro Poroshenko – could lose the presidential race to the populists, in particular to former prime-minister and gas oligarch Yulia Tymoshenko. As the populist politician who stands the biggest chance of winning, it is important to consider what Tymoshenko’s presidency would mean for pro-EU reforms in Ukraine.
An examination of her current anti-reformist agenda, her presidential campaign, and political track record expressly demonstrate that if elected, Ukraine’s pro-European reforms will be in jeopardy.
EU support for reforms in Ukraine
Over the last five years, the EU has been considerably invested in helping Ukraine. The EU and many individual EU member states have been aiding Ukraine to conduct ambitious institutional reforms to strengthen the country as it faces ongoing Russian hybrid warfare. The EU established the Support Group for Ukraine, and the EU Advisory Mission to back Ukrainian reforms with expert advice and resources, and supports reform programmes in decentralisation, public administration, energy, deregulation, and anti-corruption, to name but a few.
The EU has disbursed the largest ever macro-financial assistance to a non-EU country (3.3 billion euros) in low-interest loans to reinvigorate Ukraine’s economy which suffered a dramatic downfall as a result of Russia’s military aggression and its occupation of a large portion of Ukraine’s territory. The EU also backs reforms and the local economy in Ukraine via hundreds of millions of euros in grants through various instruments like the European Neighbourhood Instrument, the External Investment Plan and other programmes.
Importantly, Ukraine benefits from the Association Agreement, including the extensive Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DFTA), and a visa free regime with Schengen states, offering Ukraine new opportunities for increasing trade and attracting foreign direct investment.
The EU is invested in Ukraine’s success because in the last five years, Ukrainians have demonstrated that they share the EU’s vision of building a society based on the values of freedom, liberal democracy, rooted in the rule of law. In an ambitious drive to change the country, Ukraine’s post-Euromaidan governments have implemented far-reaching reforms in decentralisation, deregulation, public administration, public procurement, open data, prevention of corruption, judiciary, law enforcement, army and security, healthcare, education, social security, energy, banking, taxation, and other areas. The list of achievements is even more impressive considering that they have been taking place against the backdrop of Russia’s hugely destabilising hybrid war effort, and the domestic political vulnerability of the governing coalition.
The 2019 elections in Ukraine put the success of pro-European reforms in Ukraine at stake. As the Prime Minister of Denmark, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, noted in his speech at the 2018 Ukraine Reform Conference, if populist forces succeed in Ukraine, the impact could be dramatic.
Tymoshenko’s opposition to EU-backed reforms
Regretfully, the achievements of Ukraine’s post-Euromaidan governments have been largely unacknowledged and trivialised in Ukraine. Factors like the Kremlin’s concerted disinformation campaign, biased and unqualified media coverage, and fierce, often utterly irresponsible, domestic political competition, have contributed to creating an atmosphere of disappointment in society. Popu-lists like Mrs Tymoshenko – who promise Ukrainians “prosperity without painful reforms” – are capitalising on this to make political gains.
Since Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna (Fatherland) party quit the government coalition in 2016 to allow Tymoshenko to later run for president as an opposition candidate, she has significantly contributed to encouraging the sense of disenchantment. Tymoshenko routinely attacks reformist policies (many of which are entirely backed by the EU) branding them in extreme fashion as “genocide”, “extermination”, and the “impoverishment” of Ukrainians. Echoing the language of the Kremlin, she routinely maligns the democratically elected, reformist, post-Euromaidan governments as “dictatorship,” “regime,” and “mafia”.
It is difficult not to conclude that Tymoshenko has an agenda to undermine and derail EU sponsored reforms in Ukraine.
Anti-democratic agenda
Although Tymoshenko presents herself as democratic leader, strongly exploiting her image of one of the leaders of the 2004 pro-democracy Orange Revolution, her past actions and present political agenda make her devotion to democracy questionable.
Tymoshenko’s track record of a ruthless quest for power – from the secretive intrigue to unseat President Yushchenko in September 2005, to the back-room rewriting of Ukraine’s Constitution to establish a 20-year long power-sharing arrangement with Yanukovych in 2009 – shows she is no stranger to employing means that undermine democracy in the country.
Her present campaign promises focus on abolishing Ukraine’s parliamentary-presidential system and introducing a “true” European parliamentary system. However, a closer look at her proposals – cloaked as new mechanisms of direct democracy – reveals a badly masked power grab agenda which will represent a huge departure from the tradition of European democracy, and will move Ukraine back into the days of authoritarian rule.
Tymoshenko already speaks about her political future after her term as president, hinting in inter-views that she will aim for a newly-created position of chancellor after implementing “constitutional reforms” during her presidency. Tymoshenko’s ambitions to remain in power for as long as possible by subverting national constitutional mechanisms to suit her agenda is reminiscent of the shift to au-thoritarianism happening elsewhere in the region.
Anti-reformist
While publicly accusing the government of “counter-revolution”, Tymoshenko has been mounting campaigns to derail the progressive reforms pursued by the government. The European Union and other international partners of Ukraine have invested substantial effort and resources to drive the re-forms that Tymoshenko is opposing. She fiercely opposes energy, health care, land market, pension, and judicial reforms, and demands legislative moratoriums on the increases of gas tariffs; on the participation of private companies in the Ukrainian Gas Transmission Network’s operations management; and on the sale of farmland – all of which will bring progressive reforms in those sectors to an end.
In recent years, Tymoshenko also launched personal political assaults on many of Ukraine’s most effective reformers. She has ferociously attacked the CEO of the state-owned energy giant Naftogaz, Andriy Kobolyev, who has overseen the company’s reorganisation according to EU energy rules and transition to transparent management. The former head of the national bank, Valeriya Hontareva, who helped clean up the banking system so oligarchs could no longer use their shady financial institutions as personal piggy banks, was also a regular target. But Tymoshenko has been especially aggressive in her attacks on the reformist acting health minister, American-born Ulana Suprun, who has devoted herself to fighting corruption in the health sector and in implementing ambitious reforms to health care, even modernising medical education.
Anti-corruption track record
Tymoshenko presents herself as an anti-corruption crusader. She even proudly wears her past criminal charges of bribery and embezzlement, as badges of distinction for “political persecution” because of her opposition role. But her efficient public relations strategy should not be confused with the fact that Tymoshenko has no track record to back her image of a “corruption fighter”. In reality, Tymoshenko’s name has regularly popped up in relation to big corruption scandals.
Tymoshenko is most notoriously known for her dealings in the 1990’s with former Ukrainian prime minister Pavlo Lazarenko, her political and business associate, who fled embezzlement charges in Ukraine and was convicted in the United States for money laundering. In a letter to the US Department of Justice, Tymoshenko defended Lazarenko’s criminal actions, making the absurd claim that he hid the embezzled money in offshore jurisdictions to fund a future presidential campaign. It is a Tymoshenko trademark to use the status of “opposition” to defend criminal acts.
According to Ukraine’s former prime minister Yatseniuk, and Ukrainian investigative journalist Serhiy Leshchenko, in 2010, Tymoshenko helped Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyi obtain man-agement control over the majority state-owned UkrNafta oil company. This deal allowed the companies affiliated with Kolomoisky to buy UkrNafta’s oil at heavily discounted prices to the detriment of the Ukrainian state. Presently, Kolomoyskyi is facing law suits in the UK, Switzerland, and Ukraine to the tune of three billion US dollars for embezzling funds of his Pryvatbank that the government was forced to bail out and later nationalise in 2016.
Tymoshenko’s name came up many times in relation to the criminal case against a former member of parliament from her Batkivshchyna party, Oleksandr Shepelev, who was charged with embezzling millions from Rodovid Bank, and later fled to Russia. Shepelev was said to be Tymoshenko’s shadow “overseer” in Rodovid (which meant management decisions had to be approved by him) after it was bailed out, and nationalised by Tymoshenko’s government. To understand the political context, one should know that bailing out failing banks in the aftermath of 2008-09 financial crisis was a prominent part of Tymoshenko’s political policies.
Another recent telling episode of Tymoshenko’s “anti-corruption” track record is her role in the scandal connected to a member of Ukraine’s parliament, Oleksandr Onyshchenko. In 2016, Onyshchenko was charged by Ukraine’s Anti-corruption Bureau (NABU) of organising a corrupt scheme involving a subsidiary of the state-owned gas giant NaftoGaz which allowed his organised crime group to embezzle 1.6 billion hryvnias. Ukraine’s parliament lifted parliamentary immunity from Onyshchenko be-cause the majority of MP’s found the case against him persuasive. Onyshchenko fled the country in 2016 to avoid criminal prosecution, and has been on the run (reportedly in the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Russia) ever since. What further speaks to the seriousness of the criminal charg-es against Onyshchenko is that in 2017, the office of the Anti-corruption Prosecutor and NABU charged the ex-chief of Ukraine’s tax office, Roman Nasirov, with abuse of office in connection to the unlawful decisions that benefited Onyshchenko’s businesses. Also, a dozen other suspected accomplices of Onyshchenko’s embezzlement scheme have been criminally charged. Despite serious evidence of Onyshchenko’s wrongdoing, Tymoshenko publicly defended him in a TV interview.
It is noteworthy that Tymoshenko fervently opposes gas market reform and lobbies to keep Ukraine’s gas sector shackled to the corrupt two tier system which, on paper, sells cheap gas at government con-trolled prices to private households, but in reality allows corrupt government officials and other ac-tors to divert the gas designated for private households to industrial consumers at higher prices, pocketing the difference in price.
In April 2018, Ukraine’s Anti-corruption Bureau initiated an investigation into the illegal financing of Tymoshenko’s 2010 electoral campaign by the late Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi. During Tymoshenko’s 2007-2010 term as prime minister, Gaddafi pursued a deal with the Ukrainian government to lease 100,000 hectares of Ukrainian farming land, as well as other joint economic projects. According to reporting by the Asharq Al Awsat newspaper, Gaddafi donated 4.9 million US dollars in cash to Tymoshenko’s presidential campaign.
Despite such a compromising track record that should have made Tymoshenko toxic in the West, it seems EU politicians do not want to look beyond Tymoshenko’s glamourous image and see her for who she really is.
EPP turns a blind eye
Considering Tymoshenko’s anti-reformist and shady track record and populist agenda, it is inexplica-ble that her Batkivshchyna party maintains an observer status with the European People’s Party (EPP). In 2008, her party joined the EPP family in a move regarded by many as a transparent means of driving support away from the political party of Tymoshenko’s political rival, president Viktor Yushchenko.
The 2012 EPP Manifesto says: “There is a danger that populism and political radicalism will spread. They are threats to our democracies and to the European Union.”
It is perverse that Tymoshenko’s destructive populism, which is undermining the functioning of democracy in Ukraine, has not raised concerns in Brussels. The EPP also ignores Tymoshenko’s party’s meagre support for International Monetary Fund-supported and EU-backed reforms in Ukraine, in particular those related to the Association Agreement with the European Union.
Moreover, many policies promoted by Tymoshenko undermine Ukraine’s path of European integration, in particular her stark opposition to reform in Ukraine’s gas sector and land reform.
Nevertheless, the EPP lends Tymoshenko credibility as a pro-European reformist. In 2015, the EPP president, Joseph Daul, wrote in his letter to Tymoshenko: “The EPP recognises the decisive efforts you have made in bringing Ukraine closer to Europe, for strengthening European values and respect for European standards, and also for ensuring welfare and freedom in Ukraine, respect for the rule of law and independence of the judiciary, and for fighting corruption.”
Considering Tymoshenko’s actual track record, Mr Daul’s praise seems rather undeserved. In fact, such validation of someone with Tymoshenko’s history is detrimental to Ukraine’s democracy. Nevertheless, in 2019, Daul reiterated his praise for Tymoshenko in his greetings on the occasion of the announcement of her presidential candidacy. One cannot help but wonder why publicly available in-formation about Tymoshenko is ignored, and what lobbyism efforts ensured a blind eye was turned to reality.
Mistakes of the past should not be repeated
In 2009, Tymoshenko managed to convince EU leaders that her election as president could be acceptable both to the West and to Vladimir Putin. Unfortunately, at that time, the West still regarded Ukraine as Russia’s backyard, and Tymoshenko was seen as someone who would not irritate Russia as president Yushchenko had, with policies that caused Moscow to fear that Ukraine would be decisively pulled out of Russia’s orbit.
The West cannot afford to pretend that Ukraine can move toward the western liberal democratic order with a leadership that is agreeable to Putin’s authoritarian regime. A strong independent Ukraine as a reliable ally is in the best interest of Western democracies and the international security order.
In 2019, the cost of buying into Tymoshenko’s clever public relations campaigns is simply too high. Helping boost the political credibility of a politician who undermines Ukraine’s pro-European and democratic reforms is always dangerous. At a time when Russia is waging war not only against Ukraine, but against the EU and the entire international security order, it is of the utmost importance that the EU be clear-eyed about the risks Tymoshenko’s presidency would pose for Ukraine’s nation-hood, as well as the balance of power and stability in Europe.
Ukraine deserves political leadership that is committed to pro-European reforms. EU political actors should support candidates who have a good track record of delivering on those reforms – not those with a history of undermining them.

This article was co-authored by Roman Sohn, a legal expert, columnist, and long-time civil society activist in Ukraine. His writing has appeared in the EU Observer, the Atlantic Council, and Ukrainska Pravda.
The views expressed in this opinion editorial are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Emerging Europe’s editorial policy.
After Slip In Polls, Tymoshenko Goes Low In Ukraine Campaigning

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty.

KYIV -- As she slipped from the top spot in preelection polls, Ukrainian presidential candidate Yulia Tymoshenko has offered explosive and seemingly unsubstantiated claims this week in an apparent effort to climb back atop an expanding field.
The first accusation came on February 4, when the former prime minister accused President Petro Poroshenko's reelection campaign of attempting to buy Ukrainians' votes for 1,000 hryvnyas ($36). Without providing proof, she urged Ukraine's interior minister and prosecutor-general to launch probes into the matter.
Members of Poroshenko's party, in turn, accused Tymoshenko's camp of bribing voters and improperly collecting their personal data
bne IntelliNews - Tymoshenko out of Ukraine top-two presidential candidates, new poll says

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

Ukrainian ex-PM Yulia Tymoshenko is loosing public support ahead of the March presidential elections and after taking an early lead has now fallen out of the top two, according to the results of a poll conducted by Kyiv-based Razumkov Center in February.
The survey found that 17.5% all respondents plan to vote for Ukrainian comic and Volodymyr Zelenskiy and of those that said they will definitely vote in the elections 19% will chose the actor. President Petro Poroshenko is in second place with 13.1% (16.8%), while only 11.5% (13.8%) say they will vote Tymoshenko, Interfax news agency reported on February 20.
According to the poll, Anatoly Hrytsenko, leader of the Civic Position party would receive 7.3% of the votes. The leader of the Opposition Bloc Yuriy Boyko polls at 7.1% while the head of the Radical Party Oleh Liashko would gain 4.8%. The rest of the total of 44 candidates on the list would not clear the 3% threshold.
The nationwide survey was conducted from February 7 to February 14, 2019 in all regions of Ukraine, except for Crimea and the revel-held territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some 2,016 respondents aged over 18 years were interviewed. The theoretical sampling error does not exceed 2.3%.
The first round of the elections will be held on March 31. The two candidates achieving the highest number of votes will go into the final round on April 21.
According to other polls published over the past weeks, electoral support for Zelenskiy’s presidential candidacy is growing. The comedian, a close associate of controversial Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky, was nominated by his newly-created party the Servant of the People.
With just over a month to go the race remains wide open however, it is looking increasingly likely that Zelenskiy will get thought the first round and will meet one of Poroshenko or Tymoshenko in the second round scheduled for April. However, there will be a lot of horse trading in between argues Tim Ash, Senior Sovereign Strategist at BlueBay Asset Management in a Ukraine election Q&A this week.
Meanwhile, Zelenskiy’s close ties to Kolomoisky, the richest man in the country and former owner of the collapsed PrivatBank, have triggered worries among the country's business elites. The nation's former Finance Minister Oleksandr Danylyuk and former Minister of Economic Development and Trade Aivaras Abromavicius have met the comedian with the aim of discussing, specifically, the controversial nationalisation of PrivatBank in late 2016. There is talk that if he wins, Zelenskiy may return the bank to Kolomoisky, despite the fact the state has spent upwards of $5bn bailing it out using public money.
“That would be a deal killer for the IMF,” says Ash.
"I initiated the question of PrivatBank nationalisation and [Zelenskiy’s] relations with Kolomoisky. And received the answer that he runs for president not to return PrivatBank [to Kolomoisky]," Interfax quoted Danylyuk as saying on February 20.
In November, the High Court in London concluded that it does not have jurisdiction over the Ukrainian government's claims against former shareholders of PrivatBank. The lender's former owners, Kolomoisky and Hennadiy Bogolyubov did not comment on the court's ruling, however, de facto the ruling is their victory, because the businessmen was challenging the applicability of jurisdiction of the London court.
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Ukraine's Central Election Commission (CEC) on Friday, February 8, completed the registration of candidates running for president in Ukraine; ...
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EU to remove asset freeze on Andriy Klyuyev – journalist

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"The Eu is likely to remove the asset freeze on Andriy Klyuyev, the head of administration of the former President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych.
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The Diagnostic Triad of the Abwehr and the New Abwehr Operations Worldwide And In "Trump - Russia Affair" | Abwehr Austrophobia

The Diagnostic Triad of the Abwehr and the New Abwehr Operations Worldwide And In "Trump - Russia Affair"

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Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Warfare History Network. Adolf Hitler’s spymaster, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, was actually a dedicated anti-Nazi who did everything he could to frustrate the Führer’s plans. by David…
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M.N.: This is a very important story. It confirms my impressions, formed earlier, that the Orthodox Judaism in general, and its various offshoots , such as "Chabad Lubavitch" and other "Hasidic movements", just like the State of Israel itself (God bless it), are nothing less and nothing more than the creations of the Abwehr and the New Abwehr (after WW2), which themselves were and are predominantly half or part Jewish, especially in their "top heavy" leadership circles, including Canaris himself and most of his commanding officers, as exemplified by this particular one described in this article

It was a historically formed and a historically determined circumstance: the ethnically German junkers looked down upon the Intelligence work which, as they felt, was not compatible with their ideal of the "honest military service", and they gladly or by necessity gave this area to the Jews and part Jews to manage. Another half of this formula might have been in the objective military observations that the smart, creative, ambitious, and quite German-wise patriotic Jews were simply much better and more efficient in this area, and they accepted and practiced this observation as the rule of their science and arts of wars and espionage. 


For the half and part Jewish Abwehr officers this "half and half" became their ideal and their elaborate "philosophy": the fusion of the Germanic and the Hebrew Spirits and their best embodiment and representations (in the high Abwehr officers, of course). 


It also included the criteria for the personnel selection; most of the Abwehr high officers do LOOK half or part Jewish


This point is very important for the understanding of the Abwehr's and the New Abwehr's psychology, outlook, and the nature, the character, and the distinguishing, the "diagnostic" features of their operations


The New Abwehr apparently, influences and manipulates the Orthodox Judaic movements, especially their pet project, the "Chabad Lubavitch" and other "Hasidic movements" quite heavily and almost absolutely invisibly, masking and advertising their "Putin connection" as the quite efficient, convenient, and convincing cover. 


These issues need the sophisticated and in-depth research. 


With regard to Trump Investigations, this assumption, or the working hypothesis, as described above, has the direct bearing and is a factor in understanding the Sphinx The Regent Jared Kushner, his family, their origins, and the origins of their wealth


The so called "Bielski Partisans" absolutely could not exist, function, and survive (quite nicely, with the trainloads of the robbed Nazi Gold and jewelry, which they later invested in the US real estate and other successful business ventures-rackets) without the overt or tacit approval and consent from the Abwehr which controlled everything on the occupied territories


The Kushner Crime Family was the tool: kapos and the enforcers for the Abwehr. They became their money launderes and money managers after the WW2, when Abwehr moved them to the US


The Trump Crime Family was the long term Abwehr assets, starting from Frederich Trump, Donald's grandfather, who run the bordellos for them, and including Fred Trump, Donald's father who built the "economy" housing for the newly arrived Abwehr agents, mixed into the mass of the legitimate refugees, and who also became the money launderer and the money manager for the Abwehr and the New Abwehr


Recently they (the New Abwehr planners) decided to merge these two families into a singleTrump-Kushner Crime Family, in what was clearly the arranged marriage between Jared and Ivanka, in preparation and as the first step towards Operation Trump
It was helped, as the apparent second step in this arrangement, by Wendi Deng the "Chinese spy", as alleged and circulated by Rupert Murdoch, her husband at the time. Both of them, just as, hypothetically, the FOX News Corporation were (and are?) heavily influenced by the New Abwehr. For Murdoch this proclivity apparently also runs in a family.  This is the apparent pattern of this prudent way of family recruitment; universally, and for the Abwehr in particular. 

This aspect is also important for the understanding of the role that Felix Sater and his "Chabad" sect played in the "Trump - Russia Affair". 


This thesis about the connection between the Orthodox Judaism and Abwehr is also consistent with the "Abwehr Diagnostic Triad" which was formulated by me earlier, as consisting of: 

  1) Judeophobia (as the psychological product of these described above circumstances: the Abwehr half Jews were the GOOD (half) JEWS, all the rest were "very bad, sick, and contaminating" Jews), 

2) Homophobia (the so called "Internalized Homophobia", stemming from the personal aspects of the Abwehr leadership and reflecting the general, very permissive attitude towards homosexuality among the German military circles before and especially in the aftermath of the WW1), and 


3) the specific Austrophobia or the so called Anti-Austrian sentiment (distrust and hate of all things Austrian), which stems from the Austro - Prussian War of 1866 and from the Austria–Prussia rivalry.


In the "Trump Affair", the Austrophobia aspect is expressed by the New Abwehr planners in the concept of the "decadent and dishonest, not to be trusted", part Jewish, Hapsburg Group, and this circumstance can be viewed as the particularly "telling", or highly suggestive and indicative, "pathognomonic", of the Abwehr operations. 



Michael Novakhov

2.13.19 

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