The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump: A Study In Political Psychology, Political Criminology, and Psychohistory, and as the aid for the General, Criminal and the Counterintelligence Investigations of Donald Trump - by Michael Novakhov, M.D. (Mike Nova): Web Research, Analysis, Hypotheses, and Opinions | Current News | Reviews of media reports | Selected reading lists | Site: http://trumpinvestigations.org/
Mueller could tell all in last major court filing in Paul Manafort's case - 10:32 AM 2/22/2019
The "German Hypothesis" of the Operations "Trump" and "9/11" | The Global Security News | Opinion | The Mueller Report Is Coming. Here’s What to Expect. - The New York Times - 7:44 AM 2/22/2019
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Beginning in 1975, a big black limousine with diplomatic plates would pull up once a month to the no-parking zone outside John Greenagel’s office in the handsome Merchants Exchange Building in downtown San Francisco. A man would exit the car, paper bag in hand, and ascend the stairs to Greenagel’s public relations firm.
The man would hand Greenagel, then in his mid-30s, the paper bag, which always contained stale Cuban cigars and a bottle of Stolichnaya without a tax stamp.
“Compliments of Mr. Pavlov,” the man would say, and walk out.
Yuri Pavlov was a diplomat based at the Soviet Consulate in San Francisco and an undercover KGB officer, but the KGB probably wouldn’t have been pleased about who ended up partaking in these delectables. Because after the Soviet bag man left, Greenagel would call his CIA handler, who would pop over to his office; and they’d laugh and drink the Stoly, smoke the old Cubans and talk about Greenagel’s deepening friendship with Pavlov, which was entirely manufactured.
Greenagel was acting as an “access agent” — providing the CIA with key insights about Pavlov’s psychological and personality profile. Once foreign spies like Pavlov rotate abroad, information gleaned by access agents like Greenagel can help CIA officers sharpen their strategy for recruiting them. Access agents can also facilitate introductions between the intelligence target and other CIA operatives in a seemingly natural manner. Plus, in the case of spies like Pavlov, the precious hours spent with someone like Greenagel is time that foreign intelligence officer isn’t conducting espionage elsewhere. Access agents create opportunity costs.
The CIA is generally conceived to operate primarily abroad, but this, one former counterintelligence official put it, is a “fantasy.” The domestic operational arm of the CIA, known today as the National Resources (NR) Division, maintains warm ties with industry leaders in Silicon Valley, Hollywood, Wall Street and beyond; voluntarily debriefs business people, scientists and other U.S. citizens returning from trips abroad; and tries to recruit foreign nationals on American soil, such as student visa holders, to work for the U.S. government. (Current CIA Director Gina Haspel previously served as deputy director for the NR Division.)
But the full breadth of the agency’s stateside operations remains opaque. Recently declassified government documents laying out the permitted scope of domestic activities are heavily redacted; the CIA refuses even to confirm basic details about staffing or the National Resources Division’s number of offices across the country. (A 2013 report in Newsweek put the number of offices nationwide at about a dozen.)
Nor is Greenagel’s story unique, say former U.S. intelligence officials: The CIA has long facilitated false intimacies between U.S.-based persons and intelligence targets like Pavlov on American soil. Though imbued with a distinctly Cold War flavor, Greenagel’s tale offers a rare window into CIA activities within the United States — and even more important, highlights an enduring, and newly relevant, feature of Russian espionage: an acute interest in gathering intelligence on U.S. political campaigns. Greenagal’s recruitment by the CIA was targeted: He was a first-generation, dyed-in-the-wool Reaganite, an early, well-connected figure in Ronald Reagan’s insurgent bid to wrestle the 1976 Republican nomination from incumbent President Gerald Ford. Once the CIA placed him near Yuri Pavlov, it was like a moth to the flame.
KGB officers like Pavlov “wanted to learn about the American political system, and what people were thinking at the time,” notes Rick Smith, a longtime former San Francisco-based FBI counterintelligence agent. “Just like what [the Russians] are doing now with Trump.”
San Francisco by the mid-1970s had established itself as a countercultural mecca, the capital of American leftism; it was the incubator for the anti-Vietnam War, free speech and black power movements — a roiling cultural and political admixture. Reagan rose to the California governorship, in no small part, as a counter-reaction to this perceived Bay Area babel.
Greenagel had developed a solid pedigree in California conservative politics. He was state chairman of the Youth for Goldwater campaign in 1964, had volunteered for then-Gov. Reagan’s reelection campaign in the late 1960s and later led a successful campaign on behalf of the Chamber of Commerce to defeat a statewide ballot measure the organization deemed anti-business.
After working for the chamber, Greenagel founded his own one-man public relations firm. Business was uneven. “I had more time on my hands than I would have liked,” he recalls. Reagan, who left the governorship in early 1975, was mounting an audacious primary challenge to Ford for the 1976 Republican presidential nomination; and Greenagel — a supporter of Reagan’s forceful anticommunism and opposed to Ford’s policy of détente — enthusiastically volunteered, again, to work for the Reagan camp.
Greenagel was an archetypical “solid citizen,” a member of a now moribund — but once mighty — California political tribe most often associated with suburban Orange County, which helped define modern right-wing U.S. politics, twice propelling Reagan to the White House.
The CIA in the 1970s was also being buffeted by change. A series of scandals, including revelations about a massive illegal domestic CIA spying program, led to Congress’s establishment in 1975 of the Church and Pike Committees (the forerunners to today’s Senate and House Intelligence Committees, respectively), which scrutinized past intelligence community misdeeds.
And those misdeeds were audacious. The congressional committees revealed CIA assassination plots targeting foreign leaders; experiments with mind control, which involved the unwitting dosage of human subjects with LSD; and a secret biological weapons program. Public faith in the nation’s spies was at a historic low. This was the unsettled, and unsettling, backdrop to the phone call Greenagel received one day in 1975.
Dick Miller, an executive at PG&E, the powerful local electric utility, was on the other line. The two men were friendly and knew each other through earlier shared work at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce. At the time, Miller also served on the San Francisco Police Commission, which liaised with the CIA and FBI. Miller asked Greenagel his opinion of the agency, and Greenagel expressed support for its mission. Miller told Greenagel he had a friend named “Steve Orwell,” a San Francisco-based CIA officer, who happened to be interested in speaking with him. Greenagel, intrigued, agreed to continue the conversation.
A few days later, Greenagel received a call from Orwell, who recommended they meet for lunch at the Redwood Room, a landmark art deco cocktail bar downtown. Orwell told Greenagel he’d be wearing a blue suit and yellow tie.
At the Redwood Room, Orwell explained to Greenagel what the CIA had in mind for him. The Soviet Consulate in San Francisco, which had opened in 1973, was a hotbed of spy activity focused on California, and Yuri Pavlov, a diplomat-cum-KGB officer, was aggressively trying to develop relationships with individuals associated with the Reagan camp. The Soviets saw Reagan as a dangerous hardliner who opposed the ratcheting-down of tensions pursued by Nixon and Ford. The Soviets were also concerned about the charismatic former actor’s growing cachet.
Orwell said that “the Reagan announcement had sent all kinds of tremors through the consulate,” recalls Greenagel.
The problem was that Pavlov wasn’t actually making many inroads. Orwell told Greenagel that at diplomatic functions and cocktail parties Pavlov “would start talking with somebody that may have had a connection to the Reagan campaign, and typically the guy would say, ‘Fuck yourself,’ so they wanted somebody who was willing to be nice. And Greenagel said, ‘Hell, if I met some Russian guy who wanted to talk about Reagan, that probably would have been my reaction.’”
Orwell told Greenagel that he had an ideal background for work with the agency. Greenagel was self-employed — with no prying boss or colleagues — and he could keep his own hours.
There were a few logistical issues — beyond, of course, the standard background check. First, Greenagel had no official role in the Reagan campaign; he was a strictly a volunteer. No problem, said Orwell: he would contact Lyn Nofziger, then the Reagan campaign press secretary (and later an adviser within the Reagan White House), explain the situation and make sure that Greenagel would be given cover.
In the dark-paneled elegance of the Redwood Room, a setting fit for a spy novel, Orwell had just one last question for Greenagel: “’Would you be willing to help? We just want a guy who will become friends with him.’”
Greenagel said yes.
Yuri Pavlov, a slender, athletic man, was something of a sensitive soul. The CIA had intelligence that Pavlov — who like Greenagel was in his mid-30s — was disturbed by the nepotism in Soviet society. His wife had inherited a factory position from her father, a Communist Party official, and Pavlov felt stymied in his work. It was a point of pride for Pavlov that, stationed in the United States, for the first time in his career he was earning more than his wife.
Bill Kinane, a former longtime FBI counterintelligence agent based in San Francisco, says that, though Pavlov posed as Soviet diplomat, he was in fact a KGB “Line PR” officer — that is, focused on political intelligence. Those KGB officers were in the United States to collect intelligence from Americans. “They had cover, but they were out there — talking to as many people as they could talk to,” says Smith, who also worked Soviet counterintelligence in San Francisco during this time.
Pavlov was an easygoing and handsome man, with strong English skills. Outgoing by nature, he was a frequent presence at prominent local private organizations like the Commonwealth Club and World Affairs Council, sidling up to government officials at talks. “Pavlov was very active, very good, very sophisticated,” recalls Smith. “He had a lot of good contacts. And we kept a real close eye on him.”
Pavlov also “worked the campus at Berkeley,” say Kinane. The KGB officer attended lectures, keeping an eye on Soviet students studying there and targeting professors who might wind up one day in Washington. Pavlov also hung out at bars in Berkeley popular with left-wing clientele, especially international students who might rise to prominence one day in their own countries. He would try to elicit sympathy at Berkeley for the Soviet perspective.
“The Russians realized that if Democrats won, Berkeley professors would be joining [an incoming presidential] administration,” recalls Kinane, “and if Republicans won, Stanford folks would.” Pavlov was active in both circles, says Kinane, and he also built relationships with Silicon Valley executives who were fundraisers for both parties.
The FBI knew all this because, at the time, the KGB was “riddled” with agents working for the United States, according to Kinane, who would receive intelligence detailing reports Pavlov was submitting about his progress in the Bay Area. “All of these KGB guys were under pressure to develop sources and assets,” he says, and as a result they tended to exaggerate their connections and lie about their development of American agents, a sort of spy’s version of résumé inflation.
Those reports, in turn, would end up back with the CIA, which would then call the FBI and say, “‘This person is a KGB source,’ and we’d say, ‘No.’ But it would cause problems for innocent Americans,” Kinane says. “We were getting all this stuff about sourcing and half of it was bullshit. KGB officers would read something in the paper and say that they were told it. Not Pavlov, though.”
Pavlov, it turns out, was an honest KGB officer who sought out real American sources, and now the CIA needed to make sure Greenagel would be one of those sources. The challenge, however, was to initiate contact between Greenagal and Pavlov in a natural, unforced manner. Orwell, the CIA officer, had a plan.
A few days after their meeting in the Redwood Room, Orwell called Greenagel with good news — Nofzinger had readily agreed to the CIA’s request. If anyone inquired, Greenagel’s role in the Reagan for President campaign would be “special adviser.”
Now, the thing to do was broker an introduction. Orwell told Greenagel that Pavlov would soon be attending a party at the home of retired Gen. Elvy Roberts — the former commander of the Presidio in San Francisco — in the tony suburb of Tiburon. This was their chance, and Orwell told Greenagel to plan on attending the party. Roberts, Orwell explained, would feign prior intimacy with Greenagel, even though the two men had never met. Roberts would then facilitate an introduction to Pavlov.
It worked. Roberts opened the door to his house, recalls Greenagel, and greeted him like an old friend. “‘Oh, John, we’re so glad you’re here,’ he said. ‘There’s a guy who is anxious to meet you.’ Then he took me over to Pavlov.”
Pavlov was, unsurprisingly, acutely interested in Greenagel’s work with the Reagan campaign, so they exchanged business cards and agreed to meet soon. Not long after, Pavlov, as expected, contacted Greenagel and invited him to meet up for lunch. Over the meal, Pavlov peppered Greenagel with questions about the former California governor. “He asked, ‘Is Reagan a warmonger? Why does he want military superiority? Why doesn’t he support détente?’” recalls Greenagel.
An unlikely friendship — of sorts — blossomed; soon they were seeing each other socially on a regular basis, usually over drinks or meals. The two men — the staunch Reaganite and Soviet spy — would drive over the Golden Gate Bridge together for boozy outings in Sausalito. Pavlov, who had a weakness for Johnnie Walker Black, would partake in ideological debates about the merits of communism and capitalism, and engage in more mundane talk about their personal and professional lives, including about Pavlov’s boss — that is, Soviet Consul General Alexander Zinchuk.
But Greenagel had a leg up. In fact, he already knew about Pavlov’s workplace gripes before Pavlov ever once confided in him, because Orwell had extensively briefed him about what the CIA already knew. Over the course of their friendship, Pavlov confided these and other details to Greenagel, which Greenagel then dutifully passed on to the CIA, often corroborating its prior information on Pavlov.
Orwell had only a few rules for Greenagel: First, he was to discourage Pavlov from defecting, if the Russian expressed interest in doing so. The CIA wanted “agents in place” — that is, active KGB officers, who generally had access to more and better intelligence than defectors. He was also to encourage Pavlov to break the rules governing the activities of Soviet diplomats, such as those regarding local travel (the movements of Soviet diplomats were heavily circumscribed under U.S. law).
Finally, Orwell encouraged Greenagel to ply Pavlov with expensive gifts, such as a suit. (This was probably aimed a potentially compromising Pavlov down the road; if the CIA ever approached Pavlov and revealed he had accepted gifts from an agency asset, he might then be induced to work for CIA rather than face the wrath of the KGB.) Occasionally, Orwell would hand Greenagel $100 bills to cover his expenses for his outings with Pavlov; Greenagel would sign the receipts using his mother’s maiden name.
It was worth the time and expense. Pavlov, Orwell told Greenagel, was someone the agency was “particularly interested” in trying to recruit. The CIA believed that Pavlov was someone who believed he could make a difference in the world — what the CIA profilers referred to as a “messianic complex.”
Yuri Pavlov wasn’t of interest just to the CIA. The FBI was following him closely too. He was, in fact, one of the “main cases” Kinane, the former FBI counterintelligence agent, was assigned during the mid-1970s. One of the great ironies, however, was that neither Kinane, nor Smith, the other FBI officer who worked Soviet counterintelligence in San Francisco at the time, recalled that the CIA had recruited Greenagel as an agent.
It may seem surprising that FBI agents like Kinane and Smith could know so much about a Soviet spy like Pavlov and yet be ignorant of Greenagel’s work with the CIA, but it’s not. While the CIA and FBI can and do work well together, the counterintelligence world has often been wracked by tensions between the two agencies. FBI agents often bristle at the CIA’s perceived flouting of rules governing their domestic activities.
Today, Executive Order 12333, a 1981 document, lays out the roles and responsibilities of both agencies in broad terms. The order, last updated in 2008, affirms the FBI as the lead agency for counterintelligence and foreign intelligence collection on U.S. soil. The bureau’s primacy is underlined by its search, seizure and arrest powers.
The CIA can conduct clandestine foreign intelligence gathering in the United States, but must generally coordinate with the FBI — and this is a major point of friction. The CIA is forbidden to perform “internal security” or law enforcement functions domestically. It also cannot conduct electronic surveillance, searches of “U.S persons” (that is, citizens or legal permanent residents), or physical surveillance of U.S. persons (except for current or former CIA employees or contractors) on U.S. soil. And it cannot target the domestic activities of U.S. persons for foreign intelligence purposes.
The CIA can, however, go undercover domestically when approaching non-U.S. persons. And crucially, it can collect foreign intelligence from “witting and voluntary” citizens and legal permanent residents on American soil, like Greenagel, who are aware they are working with the CIA and are doing so freely. It also sometimes tasks these individuals to commit espionage abroad — part of “a volunteer force of citizen-spies who roamed the world,” as Harry Crumpton, the former NR Division chief, writes in his memoir, “The Art of Intelligence.”
But, as is often the case with the intelligence world, the devil is in the details — and the details are secret. A raft of documents recently declassified after an ACLU-led court battle reveals just how little the public knows. Entire pages delineating the rules governing the CIA’s activities in the United States are redacted, as are big swaths of another key document — a 2005 CIA-FBI “memorandum of understanding” that lays out the specific procedure for intelligence coordination and cooperation between the two agencies.
Sometimes, “understanding” between the FBI and CIA on counterintelligence has run at a deficit. It was a “constant battle with the agency,” recalls Smith, the former FBI counterintelligence agent. “We’re trying to do the same thing. It causes problems.” Often, FBI counterintelligence felt like the CIA was muscling into its territory, disrupting delicate FBI operations already in progress. Although the two agencies could coordinate effectively, recalls Smith, there were FBI agents in San Francisco who simply refused to work with their CIA counterparts.
While the CIA-FBI relationship has evolved significantly since the Cold War — and especially post-9/11 — serious tensions have endured to the present, say half a dozen former intelligence officials from both agencies, who requested anonymity in order to speak more candidly on the subject. In some corners of the FBI, there is a deep strain of skepticism, edging on outright hostility, regarding the CIA that is rooted as much in cultural differences as bureaucratic rivalries.
A major sticking point between the two agencies is the requirement that the CIA coordinate its clandestine domestic activities with the FBI. Often, say multiple former counterintelligence officials, CIA officers will request making an approach on a target, or someone with access to that person. The FBI will decline, citing current operations already underway. The CIA will go around their backs and contact the person anyway.
In once case, recalled a former FBI counterintelligence official, a CIA officer asked whether he could make an approach to an American citizen connected to Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory — which helps design and maintain the U.S.’s nuclear arsenal — with connections to Russians of intelligence interest. After the FBI agent said no, the CIA officer went ahead and approached the person anyway, representing himself as a “consultant,” in violation of rules requiring that CIA officers disclosure their identity to U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents.
Sometimes, say multiple former counterintelligence officials, undercover CIA officers have been caught by FBI surveillance — or even on FISA warrants — making these approaches.
Things can get heated. “I’ve had agents say, ‘I’m going to go out and fucking arrest that guy’” — a CIA officer caught on FBI surveillance around 2010 — “‘for interfering with our investigation and not declaring themselves the way they’re supposed to,’” recalls a former senior counterintelligence official. “And I’m like, ‘Hold on,’ let’s not get this shit out in the streets. It happens all the time.”
The CIA “treated us like a hostile intelligence service,” said another former senior counterintelligence official.
While there is no evidence that Greenagel’s work on behalf of the CIA ever ran crosswise of the FBI, it does raise the question of why the bureau, which was keeping close tabs on Pavlov and his outreach to the Reagan camp, never came across Greenagel.
Greenagel believes that the FBI had some role in conducting his background check. But he never had a single interaction with the bureau, nor did his CIA handler tell him if local FBI counterintelligence was aware he was working for the agency. The scope of what the FBI knew about his activities, if anything, is unclear. It seems hard to believe, given that the FBI was monitoring Pavlov, but it could well be that the bureau simply missed the fact that a KGB officer was meeting regularly with someone involved with the Reagan campaign. (The FBI and CIA both declined to comment about Pavlov, CIA-FBI tensions or the related issues of using Americans as agents.)
The lack of coordination between the FBI and CIA wasn’t isolated to Greenagel and Pavlov. Greenagel also helped recruit a former colleague of his from the Chamber of Commerce, Jim Haynes, to work for the CIA. Haynes was subsequently contacted by Steve Orwell.
Around 1975, with Orwell’s guidance, Haynes feigned interest in obtaining a visa to visit Moscow to write a story for the Chamber of Commerce about the Soviet Union’s preparatory work for the 1980 Olympics. His target was Konstantin Koryavin, a KGB officer posing as a Soviet diplomat in charge of the visa process.
Like Greenagel and Orwell, Haynes began to meet up with Koryavin. But unlike Pavlov, Koryavin seemed more interested in women than politics. “His head was on a swivel. He was looking at every female that walked by,” recalls Haynes. Once, when Koryavin’s wife was back in Moscow, the Soviet diplomat contacted Haynes with a request: He wanted to visit the local strip clubs. So, on a damp, chilly San Francisco evening, the two men caroused around North Beach, drunkenly patronizing the neighborhood’s topless joints.
After that boozy night, Haynes met with Orwell. “I asked him, ‘What’s the endgame?’ And he says, ‘What do you mean’? ‘Well,’ I asked, ‘what am I supposed to do with this guy?’ Orwell says, ‘Wait a minute. Time out. You’re not in some James Bond book. We’re not looking for anything funny. What we want to do is establish a relationship. Get him to trust you. Get him to like you.’ And ideally, my role was to get him hooked on life in the United States so when he rotated back to Moscow he could be turned.”
That never happened. After a year or so, Haynes took a job out of state, ending his work with the CIA and his relationship with Koryavin, who later moved to the Soviet mission to the United Nations in New York. One evening, Koryavin was stopped by the FBI while covertly delivering cash to officials in the tiny U.S. Communist Party in New York. FBI officers “stuffed [Koryavin] in a booth” at a local restaurant and attempted to recruit the KGB officer to work for the Americans, says Kinane.
The FBI, which was apparently unaware of the CIA’s efforts back in San Francisco, was unsuccessful.
In the cat and mouse game of recruiting Cold War spies, it’s hard to say who came out ahead. What is perhaps most striking about Pavlov’s efforts to develop contacts in the Reagan camp was, in fact, how fruitless they seemed in the end. Some of the academics Pavlov targeted did indeed end up working in presidential administrations, recalls Kinane, though Pavlov failed to recruit any of them.
If Pavlov failed to infiltrate the Reagan campaign, it would appear the CIA also failed to turn the frustrated KGB officer with a “messianic complex” to the other side. But there are signs that he and his wife at least contemplated what life in the United States might be like. One day, says Greenagel, the two men were out drinking, and, out of the blue, Pavlov posed a pregnant question. “John,” he asked, “Do you think I could ever pass as an American?” Taken aback — and instructed by Orwell to discourage defection — Greenagel muttered something about his accented English and dowdy suits betraying foreign origins. Pavlov never brought it up again.
Another time, during one of their regular social engagements, Pavlov invited Greenagel up to his apartment — the only time, in fact, he visited Pavlov’s home, says Greenagel. Pavlov lived in a beautiful, spacious place near the Presidio, just down the hill from the Soviet Consulate. Greenagel met Pavlov’s wife, Natalia, who spent most of her days in the apartment watching television and trying to learn English. When Greenagel looked around the apartment, he was shocked at how Pavlov’s wife had decorated the place. She had covered entire walls with cut-out photos from American magazines.
Sometime around 1980, Pavlov rotated out of San Francisco. Before leaving, he introduced Greenagel to another diplomat based at the consulate, Alexander Potemkin, who wasn’t previously on the CIA’s radar. Nonetheless, Potemkin continued to see Greenagel, and Greenagel continued to report back to the CIA.
One time, Greenagel invited Potemkin over to his apartment in Pacific Heights for drinks. The Soviet diplomat showed up with a colleague from the embassy who Greenagel suspected was a security officer. After a few drinks, Potemkin’s colleague got aggressive, and began to grill him.
“We think you’re FBI,” he said to Greenagel.
“I don’t have a goddamn thing to do with the FBI,” Greenagel replied — which was true.
Despite the alcohol-fueled confrontation, Greenagel and Potemkin still met up occasionally, though their contacts were less frequent and petered out by 1984, when Greenagel took a job down in Silicon Valley (Potemkin now works at the Washington, D.C.-based American-Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation. According to an article in Russia Beyond, part of a Russian state news agency, Potemkin retired from the Russian diplomatic service in 1993 and “received authorization from both the Russian and U.S. governments to stay on and become an advocate for cross-cultural exchange and promotion.” He did not respond to a request for comment.)
Greenagel’s time as a CIA asset drew to a close, and he never knew what became of Pavlov. But Kinane, the former FBI agent, heard through the grapevine the KGB official’s life back in Moscow was grim: that Pavlov’s daughter was killed by a drunk driver in Moscow and that he and his wife split apart after that. Eventually, Kinane was told, Pavlov sank into alcoholism and died.
Smith, the other former FBI agent, remembered Pavlov fondly, at least in the professional sense. “We respected him a great deal,” Smith said. “He was a good KGB officer.”
By good, Smith meant smart and hard-working, as opposed, perhaps, to Koryavin — the KGB officer the FBI tried to recruit in New York. Koryavin reappeared in the 1990s, when Kinane served as the FBI’s legal attaché in Moscow. The Soviet Union had fallen apart, and the government, including its spy service, was in disarray. Koryavin contacted Kinane through an intermediary, not to offer his services as a spy, but to sell a fake Stradivarius string instrument. He was “a con man of the first order,” says Kinane.
CIA officer Steve Orwell, whose real name Greenagel learned was Harold Chipman, died in 1988; his obituary in the Washington Post, while noting his residence in San Francisco and work as a cryptographer at the Army Security Agency, does not mention any CIA affiliation. (Chipman is identified as a CIA officer in “Blond Ghost,” a 1994 book by David Corn.)
While Greenagel’s relationship with Pavlov may never have yielded any great catch for the CIA, by way of a turned KGB officer, it did allow the CIA to keep tabs on Moscow’s interest in infiltrating the Reagan camp. Moscow’s interest in gaining inroads into political campaigns is unchanged. What changed, at least by 2016, was the reaction from the Republican presidential candidate and his campaign, which was much less suspicious of Russian outreach.
Four decades after Pavlov cozied up to Greenagel, hoping to make contacts in the Reagan camp, key members of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, including the candidate’s son, Donald Trump Jr., met with a Russian lawyer at Trump Tower in New York. That meeting, and other contacts between Russian officials and the Trump camp, is now at the center of the investigation led by special counsel Robert Mueller.
If the American public is surprised by Russian outreach to the Trump campaign, intelligence officials, particularly those who worked cases during the Cold War, are not.
“People think this is new. This isn’t new. The Russians have been doing this stuff for 40 or 50 years. It’s news now because they’ve been so successful,” says Smith, the former FBI counterintelligence agent.
“You’ve got to hand it to the Russians: they know what they’re doing. They’re more and more sophisticated; they’ve learned an awful lot. Now they get somebody like Donald Trump Jr. meeting with them — they’re killing them — because Americans like Trump Jr. don’t know what they’re doing.”
While the CIA-FBI relationship has evolved significantly since the Cold War — and especially post-9/11 — serious tensions have endured to the present, say half a dozen former intelligence officials from both agencies
Sometimes, “understanding” between the FBI and CIA on counterintelligence has run at a deficit. It was a “constant battle with the agency,” recalls Smith, the former FBI counterintelligence agent. “We’re trying to do the same thing. It causes problems.” Often, FBI counterintelligence felt like the CIA was muscling into its territory, disrupting delicate FBI operations already in progress. Although the two agencies could coordinate effectively, recalls Smith, there were FBI agents in San Francisco who simply refused to work with their CIA counterparts.
While the CIA-FBI relationship has evolved significantly since the Cold War — and especially post-9/11 — serious tensions have endured to the present, say half a dozen former intelligence officials from both agencies, who requested anonymity in order to speak more candidly on the subject. In some corners of the FBI, there is a deep strain of skepticism, edging on outright hostility, regarding the CIA that is rooted as much in cultural differences as bureaucratic rivalries.
A major sticking point between the two agencies is the requirement that the CIA coordinate its clandestine domestic activities with the FBI. Often, say multiple former counterintelligence officials, CIA officers will request making an approach on a target, or someone with access to that person. The FBI will decline, citing current operations already underway. The CIA will go around their backs and contact the person anyway.
In once case, recalled a former FBI counterintelligence official, a CIA officer asked whether he could make an approach to an American citizen connected to Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory — which helps design and maintain the U.S.’s nuclear arsenal — with connections to Russians of intelligence interest. After the FBI agent said no, the CIA officer went ahead and approached the person anyway, representing himself as a “consultant,” in violation of rules requiring that CIA officers disclosure their identity to U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents.
Sometimes, say multiple former counterintelligence officials, undercover CIA officers have been caught by FBI surveillance — or even on FISA warrants — making these approaches.
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Beginning in 1975, a big black limousine with diplomatic plates would pull up once a month to the no-parking zone outside John Greenagel’s office in the handsome Merchants Exchange Building in downtown San Francisco. A man would exit the car, paper bag in hand, and ascend the stairs to Greenagel’s public relations firm.
The man would hand Greenagel, then in his mid-30s, the paper bag, which always contained stale Cuban cigars and a bottle of Stolichnaya without a tax stamp.
“Compliments of Mr. Pavlov,” the man would say, and walk out.
All the President's broken menCNNThey once were Donald Trump's strutting, sharp-suited alpha male political and legal fixers, living high and playing the game hard, seemingly immune from the ...
<p>TRENTON, N.J. — New Jersey legislators are working to give President Donald Trump two choices: release five years of tax records or get scrubbed from the 2020 ballot.</p>
<p>The New Jersey State Senate passed a bill on Thursday that would require all presidential and vice presidential candidates to release five years of federal tax returns, according to the <a href="https://www.apnews.com/b377879528a84aeb9d96ed9ac8297675">Associated Press</a>. If they don’t, the bill would keep those candidates from appearing on the ballot.</p>
<p>President Donald Trump’s tax returns have been the focus of debate after he broke from years of tradition by denying to release his records during 2016. He told the public he was withholding the documents because he was undergoing an audit.</p>
<p>The bill will now move on to the Democratic-led Assembly, and, if passed, would then move on to Gov. Phil Murphy, a Democrat.</p>
<p>Murphy was elected after Republican Gov. Chris Christie who once vetoed a previous incarnation of the bill, the AP reports.</p>
The post NJ senate passes bill to force Donald Trump to release tax returns or get wiped off the 2020 ballot appeared first on Politics, Economy, World News from 100k+ sources.
All the President’s broken menCNN
They once were Donald Trump’s strutting, sharp-suited alpha male political and legal fixers, living high and playing the game hard, seemingly immune from the … “Trump liar” – Google News
It’s too early to take away any clear lessons from the Trump era, except one: Whatever you do, never fire the FBI director.
Yes, as president, it is fully within your power to cashier inferior executive-branch officers. But if the aftermath of the James Comey firing is any indication, it risks backlash from FBI and Justice Department officials who will take umbrage — and extraordinary steps in response.
This is the upshot of the “60 Minutes” interview of former Deputy Director Andrew McCabe. The Comey firing was ham-fisted and unsettling given the ongoing investigation of Russian interference into the 2016 election. But what ensued was an embarrassing freakout by law-enforcement officials entrusted with awesome powers.
According to McCabe, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein brought up invoking the 25th Amendment.
It’s worth considering how this Rube Goldberg amendment is supposed to work: The vice president takes power if he and a majority of the Cabinet declare in writing to the Senate and the House that the president is “unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.”
Then the president can contest the declaration, also in writing, to the Senate and the House. If the vice president and a majority of the Cabinet still say he can’t serve, Congress has 21 days to vote on the question. If two-thirds of both houses says he can’t, the vice president remains acting president.
Anyone who believes that this was a remotely plausible or appropriate means to depose Donald Trump should have his own ability to discharge his duties examined.
First of all, Trump obviously was perfectly capable of discharging his duties; he just discharged them in a way alarming to McCabe and Rosenstein. His response to an effort by his Cabinet to join such an exercise would have been to fire anyone involved, which he could have done because, again, he wasn’t incapacitated.
McCabe also says that Rosenstein twice discussed wearing a wire to record the president and wasn’t joking. (A source told The New York Times when it originally broke the story that Rosenstein meant it sarcastically; his own denials have been carefully worded.)
The FBI didn’t go this far, but it did open, per McCabe, two probes into the president to determine if he was a Russian agent or had obstructed justice.
Consider the lunacy of this: By providing Trump with a memo justifying Comey’s firing, Rosenstein participated in the scheme that the FBI considered a possible crime, or the culmination of a Russian plot. Then Rosenstein turned around and appointed a special counsel, whom he oversaw, to investigate the possible crime to which he was a party.
It’s also absurd that the FBI officials considered the firing of Comey to be potential obstruction of the investigation that they were continuing, and indeed making more serious by making the president an explicit target.
The comments that Trump made about Russia that McCabe and Co. found so disturbing were hardly damning. In his cover letter over Rosenstein’s memo, Trump mentioned that Comey had told him three times that he wasn’t under investigation. This was true, and Trump was frustrated that Comey wouldn’t make it public. That doesn’t make him a Russian agent.
In his notorious Lester Holt interview, Trump said he fired Comey because there wasn’t anything to him and Russia. He didn’t say he wanted to shut down the probe; indeed, he said he understood it would now probably go on longer.
Perhaps Trump’s comments in his ill-considered meeting with the Russian foreign minister and ambassador in the immediate aftermath of the Comey firing were worse, but it’s hard to say absent a transcript.
What McCabe’s version strongly suggests is that the FBI took upon itself to be a check on the president of the United States. This is not its appointed role in our system. If the president abuses his powers, that’s a matter for Congress to take up, not for executive-branch officials whose panic eclipsed their judgment.
Lawyer: Ex-FBI official McCabe still facing investigationCTV News
A criminal investigation into whether former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe made false statements during an internal probe into a news media disclosure … “Trump FBI file” – Google News
Chang Eun-sook, a South Korean based in Hanoi, is holding out hope for next week’s summit between US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un.As a member of the 60,000-strong Korean community in Vietnam’s capital, she wants both Koreas – technically still at war with each other, though a ceasefire was signed in 1953 – to agree to a peace deal and eventually move towards reunification.For the US, which has maintained a military presence in South Korea for decades,…
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Before the start of business, Just Security provides a curated summary of up-to-the-minute developments at home and abroad. Here’s today’s news. The KOREAN PENINSULA President Trump appears keen to declare an end to seven decades of war on the Korean Peninsula when he meets North Korea Kim Jong-un in Hanoi, Vietnam next week, while his advisers seem more focused on hashing out a road map for Pyongyang’s denuclearization. U.S. officials insisted yesterday that disarmament remains Trump’s “overriding goal,” with one projected outcome being an agreement that would trade a peace declaration for a North Korean commitment to open up and dismantle a handful of nuclear or missile facilities, Mark Landler reports at the New York Times. Trump and Kim are planning to meet one-on-one during their summit in Vietnam, senior administration officials announced yesterday. Speaking to reporters on a background call, a senior administration official claimed that more details on the exact format were still to come, but that “it’s going to be similar in format to what you saw last June 12 in Singapore … there will be an opportunity for the two leaders to see one another one-on-one, to share a meal and engage in expanded meetings of their respective delegations,” Rebecca Kheel reports at the Hill. Democratic lawmakers leading key House national security committees yesterday alleged that Trump is keeping Congress in the dark about the upcoming talks with the North and the status of Pyongyang’s weapons program. “There is no legitimate reason for having failed to provide regular, senior-level briefings to the relevant committees of jurisdiction on a matter of such significance to our national security,” Reps. Eliot Engel (D-N.Y.), Adam Smith (D-Wash.) and Adam Schiff (D-Schiff), chairs of the House foreign affairs, intelligence and armed services committees, wrote in a letter to the president, adding “our ability to conduct oversight of U.S. policy toward North Korea on behalf of the American people has been inappropriately curtailed by your administration’s unwillingness to share information with Congress,” Dan De Luce reports at NBC. North Korea claims it has been forced to reduce rations by half after facing a food shortfall of 1.4 million tons this year,pointing to harsh weather and U.N. sanctions as reasons for the deficit. “The [North Korean] government calls on international organizations to urgently respond to addressing the food situation,” read a two-page memo from North Korea’s mission to the U.N., also claiming that the country’s food production last year was 4.951 million tons, 503,000 tons down from 2017; analysts have commented that the upcoming Trump-Kim summit may be part of the reason for Pyongyang’s decision to release the memo now, The Daily Beast reports. China is extending its influence over the upcoming Trump-Kim summit, just as it did last July in Singapore. Katrina Yu explains in an analysis at Al Jazeera. SYRIA The U.S. will retain “a small peacekeeping group” of 200 American troops in Syria for a period of time after a U.S. pullout, the White House announced yesterday, as President Trump rowed back from promises of a complete withdrawal. Yesterday’s decision came after a phone call between Trump and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, during which the two leaders reportedly agreed to continue working together to try to create a “safe zone” in Syria the White House said, Annie Karni and Thomas Gibbons-Neff report at the New York Times. Trump in December ordered a withdrawal of all 2,000 American troops in Syria, claiming they had defeated Islamic State group (I.S.I.S.) militants there; since then, Trump has been under pressure from multiple advisers to adjust his policy to ensure the protection of Kurdish forces, who supported the fight against Islamic State group and who might now be threatened by Turkey, Reuters reports. A car bombing claimed by the I.S.I.S. hit U.S.-backed forces in eastern Syria yesterday as they attempted to negotiate the release of civilians trapped in the militant’s last patch of territory in the eastern Syrian village of Baghouz. The Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (S.D.F.) are working towards evacuating civilians remaining in the holdout, so they can finish off the dying I.S.I.S “caliphate” through either an assault or a surrender deal; the car bomb killed 14 oil workers and six of the Kurdish-led alliance’s conscripts near the Omar oil field that it uses as its main base in the region, according to the S.D.F. and a monitor, AFP reports. A substantial number of trucks loaded with civilians left Baghouz today, according to a witness near the area on the Iraqi border. It was not clear whether any civilians remained in the I.S.I.S.-held zone, which U.S.-backed Syrian forces want to clear of non-combatants before finally capturing the area, Reuters reports. The father of Alabama woman Hoda Muthana – who joined I.S.I.S. and is now seeking a return to the U.S. – yesterday filed a lawsuit against President Trump and other senior officials after the president said he had moved to prevent her from re-entry. Ahmed Ali Muthana filed the lawsuit in Washington D.C. federal district court on behalf of his daughter; Muthana has claimed she is a U.S. citizen, but the Trump administration says her status as the daughter of a Yemeni diplomat means she is not a naturalized citizen and thus not entitled to the Constitutional rights of an U.S. citizen, Brent D. Griffiths reports at POLITICO. U.S.-led airstrikes continue. U.S. and coalition forces carried out 199 airstrikes against Islamic State targets in Syria between Jan. 27 and Feb. 9. [Central Command] IRAN The Iranian navy launched “large-scale” drills in the Strait of Hormuz and the Sea of Oman in a display of its naval force amid escalating tensions with the U.S. Commander of Iran’s navy Rear Admiral Hossein Khanzad stated that the maneuvers began yesterday and will run for a week, featuring submarine-launched missiles for the first time; earlier this week, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani opened the “state-of-the-art” and domestically produced submarine Fateh (“Conqueror,”) Al Jazeera reports. There is a desperate need for Congress to revisit the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force, Edit0r-in-Chief Steve Vladeck and Senior Editor Tess Bridgeman comment at Just Security, providing a critique of Monday’s Washington Times “exclusive” report titled “Iran-al Qaeda Alliance May Provide Legal Rationale for U.S. Military Strikes.” VENEZUELA Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro yesterday ordered his country’s vast border with Brazil to be closed, making the order just days before opposition leaders plan to bring in foreign humanitarian aid he has refused to accept. Maduro also stated that he is considering closing the border with Colombia, making the announcement on state T.V. surrounded by military commanders, the AP reports. Opposition leaders led by U.S.-backed self-declared interim president Juan Guaidó had vowed to bring in U.S. supplies of emergency food and medicine to highlight the country’s humanitarian crisis under Maduro, who has said the nation does not need such help; “what the U.S. empire is doing with its puppets is an internal provocation,” Maduro commented, adding “they wanted to generate a great national commotion, but they didn’t achieve it,” the AP reports. Former chief of Venezuela’s military intelligence Hugo Carvajal broke with Maduro yesterday, pledging support for Guaidó amid the escalating political crisis in the country. Carvajal called for authorities to allow into Venezuela the humanitarian aid that the U.S. is stockpiling on the Colombian border, stating: “people of Venezuela, we find ourselves in the worst humanitarian crisis of our modern history … it’s been more than enough, Nicolás … assume your responsibility,” Ana Vanessa Herrero and Nicholas Casey report at the New York Times. Carvajal also addressed active Venezuelan troops, many of whom have appeared in propaganda videos meant to rouse nationalist sentiment against what the Maduro regime claims is an imminent U.S. invasion. “Today we do not have the technical capacity to confront any enemy,” Carvajal said, adding “he who says otherwise lies,” Ryan Dube and Kejal Vyas report at the Wall Street Journal U.S. Vice President Pence will travel to Colombia on Monday to demand that Maduro steps down and allow Guaidó take power. Pence will be in Colombia to “voice the U.S.’ unwavering support for interim President Juan Guaidó and highlight the Venezuelan people’s fight for democracy over dictatorship,” the vice president’s office said in a statement, Tal Axelrod reports at the Hill. “The aid showdown puts in stark relief the choice in Venezuela between a dictator who wants to block aid for the people … and the Guaidó government that wants to deliver it,” the Wall Street Journal editorial board writes. A roadmap for President Trump to speed up Maduro’s exit is provided by José R Cárdenas at Foreign Policy, who suggests that the president should maintain a multilateral and bipartisan consensus; keep a close watch; and pursue an inclusive transition. TRUMP-RUSSIA U.S. District Court Judge T.S. Ellis III yesterday scheduled former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort to be sentenced March 8 for financial malfeasance in Virginia. Darren Samuelsohn reports at POLITICO. Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) promised yesterday that Congress would subpoena special counsel Robert Mueller’s report on the investigation into Russian electoral interference and alleged collusion with the Trump campaign if lawmakers do not receive a comprehensive summary from the Justice Department. Justin Wise reports at the Hill. Federal Judge Amy Berman Jackson yesterday “dramatically” restricted longtime Trump associate Roger Stone’s ability to speak publicly about his criminal case after he published an Instagram post with what appeared to be the crosshairs of a gun drawn behind her head. Stone now cannot speak publicly about the investigation or the case or any participants in the investigation or the case, Katelyn Polantz reports at CNN. “The U.S. legal system is withstanding the Trump onslaught,” David Brooks writes in an Op-Ed at the New York Times. An explainer on how events could unfold when the Mueller report is wrapped up is provided by Philip Ewing at NPR. NATIONAL EMERGENCY AND BORDER WALL The Pentagon yesterday indicated that it has asked the Department of Homeland Security (D.H.S.) for a priorities list to justify using military funds to build President Trump’s long-promised border wall. “We’ve asked D.H.S. for input facts, data, priorities; we are waiting to receive those,” Acting Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan told reporters, adding “when we do, we will then … match that with our mission analysis and begin the process I think I’ve described to many of you,” Ellen Mitchel reports at the Hill. “If I had been directed, when I was Chief Financial Officer of the Department of Defense … to implement the bulk of this plan … I don’t believe that that I would have concluded it was legal” Micahel McCord comments at Just Security, regarding the president’s proposal to take funds available to the Departments of Defense and Treasury and expend them on functions that are the responsibility of the D.H.S. “The President’s use of an emergency declaration in this case poses profound challenges and raises profound risks to our system of government,” McCord writes. OTHER DEVELOPMENTS Russian President Vladimir Putin stated yesterday that Russia is militarily ready for a Cuban Missile-style crisis if the U.S. wants one and threatened to position hypersonic nuclear missiles on ships or submarines near U.S. territorial waters. “[Tensions] are not a reason to ratchet up confrontation to the levels of the Cuban Missile Crisis in the 1960s … in any case, that’s not what we want,” Putin commented, adding “[but] if someone wants that, well O.K. they are welcome,” Al Jazeera reports. The Supreme Court’s decision to curtail power to seize property “is being cheered by advocates on the left and right.” The Economist provides an analysis.
Austrophobia, or the traditional, historical since mid-19 Century Anti-Austrian Sentiment in politics and military affairs (can be considered as the specifically indicative, "pathognomonic sign")
Photo: Ernst Urhlau, former chief of BND and later the "consultant on geopolitical risks" for the Deutsche Bank, and the political ally of Gerhard Schroeder. Uhrlau was the chief of the Hamburg police when the core group of 9/11 hijackers, the so called Hamburg Cell, lived and received training there. He was uncooperative and hostile towards 9/11 Investigationinquiries.
»German Intelligence Chief Wilhelm Franz Canaris 24/01/19 06:17 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Warfare History Network. Adolf Hitler’s spymaster, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, was actually a dedicated anti-Nazi who did everything he could to frustrate the Führer’s plans. by David…
»Canaris and Heydrich – Axis History Forum 24/01/19 06:16 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Canaris and Heydrich #1 Post by Ezboard » 29 Sep 2002, 21:37 GFM2001 Member Posts: 55 (8/20/01 12:32:55 pm) Reply Canaris and Heydrich ————————————————————…
»Service record of Reinhard Heydrich 24/01/19 05:43 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks Michael_Novakhov shared this story . SS- service record cover of Obergruppenführer und General der Polizei Reinhard Heydrich The service record of Reinhard Heydrich was a collection of official SS documents maintained at the SS Pers…
»Heydrich’s homosexuality? – Axis History Forum 24/01/19 04:52 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Heydrich’s homosexuality? #1 Post by Ezboard » 29 Sep 2002, 19:03 HannahR New Member Posts: 1 (5/26/01 5:43:01 pm) Reply Heydrich’s homosexuality? ————————————————…
M. N.: The New Abwehr enjoys and employs the deep and intimate connections with the criminal Underworld which go back to the early 1920-s, the conditions after the Germany's defeat in the WW1 and the resulting "Restrictions" (I almost typed "Sanctions") which made the symbiotic and sometimes parasitic relations with Police and Criminals the matter of survival for the Abwehr which based itself at that time at the Military Police Stations. Money Laundering is another, related sub-specialty which was a matter of survival and necessity at that time, and the Abwehr under Canaris (which really is the Abwehr we are talking about) made both areas the traditional historical "fields of excellence". Money Laundering , from Deutsche Bank to Chabad dealers to Oligarchs, e.g. Lev Leviev and others, and most notably by our pretty laundry girls and boys from the Trump-Kushner Crime Family , was and is one of the truly heart felt activities for the Abwehr, and
How did these 650,000 emails get into the Abedin -Weiner laptop? This question remains open for almost three years now, and no answer in sight. - 6:35 AM 2/17/2019 Lawyers: Teen girl Weiner sexted wanted to affect election – Bowling Green Daily News Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠ hoax - Google Search Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Anthony Weiner: It was a hoax - Google Search Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Anthony Weiner: It was a hoax - Google Search Michael_Novakhov shared this story from "Anthony Weiner: It was a hoax" - Google News. A nude-photo hoax was supposed to silence Alexandria Ocasio ... Washington Post - Jan 10, 2019 Circulating nudes — real or fake — is one of the oldest and ... The Daily Caller changed the headline of its story to “ Anthony Weiner Mistress ... The Latest Smear Against Ocasio-Cortez: A Fake Nude Photo New York Times - Jan 10, 2019 Nude-photo hoax to silence Ocas
Inoreader The Trump Investigations created by Michael Novakhov • Jan 23 2022 The Trump Investigations - Review Of News And Opinions - Blog by Michael Novakhov The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump: A Study In Political Psychology, Political Criminology, and Psychohistory, and as the aid for the General, Criminal and the Counterintelligence Investigations of Donald Trump - by Michael Novakhov, M.D. (Mike Nova): Web Research, Analysis, Hypotheses, and Opinions | Current News | Reviews of
9:37 AM 7/19/2019 - Melania Knauss Trump is a lesbian Melania Trump poses naked for Max magazine | Daily Mail Online Friday July 19 th , 2019 at 9:31 AM News | Mail Online 1 Share Naked pictures from lesbian-themed photoshoot emerge of Donald Trump's wife Melania posing for a French men's magazine at the age of 25 Photos appeared in the January 1996 issue of now-defunct Max magazine One shows Mrs Trump just in heels with her hand over her private parts French photographer Alé de Basseville took the photos in Manhattan Slovenian-born Mrs Trump was then taking her modeling career to the US Appears under her stage name Melania K, short for maiden name Knauss By Daniel Bates In New York For The Daily Mail and Clemence Michallon For Dailymail.com Published: 00:27 BST, 1 August 2016 | Updated: 14:05 BST, 1 August 2016 e-mail 3.8k shares 3.9k View comments She has said that she admires her
Inoreader Trump Investigations News Review at 9 a.m. created by Michael Novakhov • Mar 25 2022 The Trump Investigations News Review at 9 a.m. EST Daily Review Of News And Opinions - Blog by Michael Novakhov The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump: A Study In Political Psychology, Political Criminology, and Psychohistory, and as the aid for the General, Criminal and the Counterintelligence Investigations of Donald Trump - by Michael Novakhov, M.D. (Mike Nova): Web Research, Analysis, Hyp
The Latest Posts - The Trump Investigations - Review Of News ____________________________________________________ Pages - The Trump Investigations - Review Of News Home Shared Links Links - On The Road... America On The Road To Dictatorship: Trump, Trumpism, FBI, and the New Abwehr - By Michael Novakhov - Last Update: 3:10 PM 5/1/2019 On The Road To Dictatorship: FBI + Facebook. "Like? No Like!" - By Michael Novakhov - Page The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump - Outline and Links The Operation Trump and The New Abwehr | Recent Tweets | Shared Links - Twitter - Facebook The Operation Trump and The New Abwehr The Manifesto Of The American Socialism: SOCIALISM IS HEALTH, SOCIALIST SOCIETY IS THE HEALTHY SOCIETY, in all respects; as the SOCIAL ORGANISM. Political Criminology - The Outline Trump Investigations News In 25 Posts Trump Investigations News In Brief All Saved Stories News Review - 25 Trump Investigations News Review - Saved Stories - 250 All Blogs In 2
Inoreader Trump Investigations News Review at 9 a.m. created by Michael Novakhov • Feb 22 2022 The Trump Investigations News Review at 9 a.m. EST Daily Review Of News And Opinions - Blog by Michael Novakhov The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump: A Study In Political Psychology, Political Criminology, and Psychohistory, and as the aid for the General, Criminal and the Counterintelligence Investigations of Donald Trump - by Michael Novakhov, M.D. (Mike Nova): Web Research, Analysis, Hyp
Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠ American Nazi and Abwehr - Google Search American Nazi and Abwehr - Google Search American Nazi and Abwehr - Google Search American Nazi and Abwehr - Google Search American Nazi and Abwehr - Google Search American Nazi and Abwehr - Google Search German Espionage and Sabotage Nazi Espionage: The Abwehr and SD Foreign Intelligence (Chapter 4) - U.S. Intelligence and the Nazis U.S. indicts 54 in Aryan group - 9:02 AM 2/13/2019 NJ's Chris Christie: 'I Was Almost Trump's Chief of Staff' - The Jewish Voice - 8:50 AM 2/13/2019 "We were never going find a contract signed in blood saying, 'Hey Vlad, we're going to collude,'" one Democratic aide said - Recent Posts on Facebook - 8:18 AM 2/13/2019 Trump Investigations News In 25 Posts - 8:11 AM 2/13/2019 Russian Oligarch Connected to Psy-Group (Wikistrat) to Israel and Into America as Facebook Collapses – Abel Danger - 8:00 AM 2/13
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