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Frederick Trump (Trumpf? / Drumpf?), Donald Trump's grandfather, immigrant from Germany: criminal, pimp, latent homosexual, and Abwehr agent/asset? - Google Search
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Frederick Trump (Trumpf? / Drumpf?), Donald Trump's grandfather, immigrant from Germany: criminal, pimp, latent homosexual, and Abwehr agent/asset?
1 day ago - Blackpool Tower is no laughing matter, at least not for the good folk of .... Drumpf
Trisha Anderson, the principal deputy general counsel for the FBI and head of the bureau’s National Security and Cyber Law Branch, signed off on an application for a warrant to spy on former Trump campaign adviser Carter Page—before the application went to FBI Director James Comey—despite not having read it, she said.
Anderson, whose division was also assigned the Mid-Year Exam—the FBI’s investigation into Clinton’s use of a private email server—was responsible for legal oversight of the FBI’s Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) applications process, and provided a final sign-off before FISA applications were sent to the FBI director level. Anderson, who supervised the FBI attorneys involved in FISA applications, characterized her role as being “involved at a supervisory level within the legal chain of command.”
Although she did not voluntarily reveal the information, she admitted during questioning that she was the individual responsible at the senior executive service (SES) level for signing off on the original Carter Page FISA application:
Mr. Breitenbach: “You had mentioned earlier that all FISAs have to be signed off, have an approver at an SES level. In OGC? Or is that anywhere inside the FBI?”Ms. Anderson: “In NSLB, in my particular branch.”Mr. Breitenbach: “In NSLB?”Ms. Anderson: “Yeah. Uh-huh.”Mr. Breitenbach: “Okay. Who was that SES approver for the Carter Page FISA?”Ms. Anderson: “My best recollection is that I was for the initiation.”
In her Aug. 31, 2018, testimony, a transcript of which was reviewed for this article, Anderson described her role in the FISA process as “a backstop” whereby she would serve as “a last check in the process to ensure that all necessary elements of the FISA package were present and that it met the basic requirements of probable cause.”
However, there appears to be significant latitude in the “backstop” review process. According to Anderson, the Department of Justice (DOJ) attached a “cover note” that identified potential issues, if any, for her to review with every FISA application. If no issues were identified by the DOJ, then according to Anderson, there would be no need for her to read the FISA application:
Ms. Anderson: “[So] there typically would be a cover note that would summarize the FISA. That cover note is generated by DOJ. And because of the time pressures involved and the sort of very-last-stop-in-the-process nature of the review, the SES review, that’s done, I wouldn’t read a FISA unless there were some sort of issue that was identified based on the cover note.”Mr. Breitenbach: “You are, though, reviewing for the sufficiency of probable cause –”Ms. Anderson: “After many people have reviewed that assessment. And so, as I mentioned, this was essentially a backstop to all of the other processes and the rigor that had been applied by DOJ attorneys and by FBI investigative and legal personnel.”
Despite the FISA application’s politicized nature and obvious sensitivity, it appears that no issues were identified in relation to it, as Anderson testified that she had not read the application, only the DOJ cover note:
Mr. Breitenbach: “Does that mean you read the FISA –”Ms. Anderson: “No.”…Mr. Breitenbach: “Okay. So you did not read the FISA, but you would’ve been familiar then with at least part of the FISA with regard to the legal predication for probable cause in the FISA in order to be able to sign it?”Ms. Anderson: “I would be familiar based on the cover note, yes.”Mr. Breitenbach: “On the cover note. Okay. So –”Ms. Anderson: “In the case of the Carter Page FISA, I was generally familiar with the facts of the application –”Mr. Breitenbach: “Okay.”Ms. Anderson: “– before I signed that cover note.”
Anderson claimed that in the case of the Page FISA, her approval was “more administrative in nature” because “all necessary approvals, including up through and including the leadership of the FBI and the leadership of the Department” had been obtained by the time the Page FISA came to her desk for sign-off.
The Page FISA application relied heavily on allegations made in the so-called Steele dossier paid for by Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign and the Democratic National Committee.
At the time of the FISA application, none of these allegations had been verified or validated by the FBI when they were presented to the FISA court in support of probable cause, and the Steele dossier remains unverified to this day.
The dossier extensively cited a Sept. 23, 2016, Yahoo News article by Michael Isikoff, which focused on Page’s July 2016 trip to Moscow. This information, which was used by the FBI to “corroborate” the dossier, was provided to Isikoff by the author of the dossier, former MI6 agent Christopher Steele.
The House Intelligence Committee noted that “Deputy FBI Director McCabe testified before the Committee in December 2017 that no surveillance warrant would have been sought from the FISC without the Steele dossier information.” According to former FBI counterintelligence head Bill Priestap, “corroboration of the Steele dossier was in its ‘infancy’ at the time of the initial Page FISA application.”
Anderson admitted that the Page FISA process was handled outside of normal procedures, receiving early approvals from leadership officials at both the FBI and DOJ—including Deputy FBI Director Andrew McCabe and Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates—prior to the document reaching her desk:
Ms. Anderson: “In this particular case, I’m drawing a distinction because my boss and my boss’ boss had already reviewed and approved this application. And, in fact, the Deputy Attorney General, who had the authority to sign the application, to be the substantive approver on the FISA application itself, had approved the application. And that typically would not have been the case before I did that. Before, I would usually sign the cover note on the FISA application.“So this one was handled a little bit differently in that sense, in that it received very high-level review and approvals — informal, oral approvals — before it ever came to me for signature. And so, in this particular case, I wouldn’t view it as my role to second-guess that substantive approval that had already been given by the Deputy Director and by the Deputy Attorney General in this particular instance.”
Normally, the applications would be presented to Anderson for sign-off and then sent to the FBI director, before being sent to the DOJ for final approval by either the attorney general, deputy attorney general, or assistant attorney general for the National Security Division.
When asked to describe the attention the FISA application received from FBI and DOJ leadership, Anderson testified that the “Deputy Director was involved in reviewing the FISA line by line. The Deputy Attorney General over on the DOJ side of the street was similarly involved, as I understood, reviewing the FISA application line by line.”
Anderson later appeared to soften her characterization of McCabe’s level of review, noting that “[t]he Deputy Director read it, as I understood.”
Notably, during McCabe’s testimony before the House Judiciary and Oversight committees, with Anderson acting as his FBI attorney, McCabe’s review of the Page FISA was not addressed at any time.
In particular, Anderson singled out the involvement of her former boss, FBI General Counsel James Baker, in the Page FISA review process. Anderson described Baker as “one of the Nation’s leading experts on FISA…one of the best people you could possibly consult about what was contained within the FISA application.”
Anderson, while defending her handling of the Page FISA signing, claimed that Baker had “personally reviewed and made edits to the FISA.”
However, according to Baker’s Oct. 3, 2018, testimony, he had only read a small portion of the Page FISA and specifically did not review the underlying Woods Procedure file, which provided documentation for the accuracy of facts represented in the FISA application:
Rep. Meadows: “And did you read the whole Carter Page FISA application?”James Baker: “I — my recollection is that I read the factual part of the initiation of the Carter Page FISA. I am not going to say I read –“
Baker clarified that by “factual part” he meant that he had only read the probable cause section of the Page FISA. He also testified that he had asked Anderson to personally notify him when the Page FISA began “moving through the system.” Baker noted that he did not believe he reviewed the final document, stating “the final would not necessarily have to come to me for approval.”
Contrary to Anderson’s claim, Baker said that he was primarily relying on briefings from his staff, which presumably would have included Anderson in her role as head of the National Security and Cyberlaw Branch—the specific legal division within the FBI that was responsible for the Page FISA:
“[W]hatever briefing I received from my folks about what was in the application, my assessment was that the information that we were providing was adequate and consistent, it was adequate to put the FISA court on notice of the important information that it needed to know, and we were doing so in way that was consistent with our practice with the FISA court that I have been involved with for 20 years.”
During his testimony, Baker admitted that disclosures regarding the role of DOJ official Bruce Ohr and his wife, Nellie, had been unknown to him at the time of the Page FISA application. Ohr was passing on information from Steele, and Fusion GPS co-founder Glenn Simpson, to the FBI.
Baker also testified that this information, had he known of it at the time, would have been subject to further consideration for inclusion in the FISA application:
Rep. Ratcliffe: “But you agree with me, generally speaking, that if the number four person at the Department of Justice and his wife both play roles with respect to the creation of a piece of evidence, that the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court should have been apprised of that fact.”James Baker: “If they played a role in the creation of it, and that’s how it came to the Bureau, then that seems like something that at least — again, I would like to know more details about it, but it seems like something that should have been evaluated about whether it should go into the FISA application or not. I would have — what you say concerns me and I would like to know more about it.”
Questions Over FISA Process
The issuance of a FISA warrant, which allows for the surveillance of American citizens, has been sold to the public as being subject to a thorough and rigorous process that entails a detailed vetting of the application at multiple levels within the FBI and DOJ. But Anderson provided some startling insights into the actual approval process.
Judging from Anderson’s testimony, it appears that most of the work, including detailed reviews, are primarily done at lower levels within the FBI. By the time a FISA application makes its way to Anderson, her description of involvement at the SES level invokes something more closely resembling bureaucratic approval than intensive review:
“[T]he review by an SESer within FBI OGC, it happens on a very short timeframe. In other words, those SESers often will get a stack of FISAs that are — it could be 10, could be 15, could be 5 — you know, perhaps, the morning they’re obligated to go to the Director or the night before.”
As Anderson herself noted, “There’s not a lot of opportunity for substantive review.”
The FISA process does not appear to be any more rigorous at the leadership levels of the FBI. Anderson claimed that the FBI “Director might on any particular day receive a stack of as many as 15, 17, 20 FISAs.” And the allotted time for the director’s review of the applications seems surprisingly short:
“[They’re] very thick. It’s not unusual for the Director to receive a stack this tall. I’m indicating about a foot and a half between my hands here, for the benefit of the reporter. And so that, obviously, is not commensurate with the 20 minutes the Director has in his schedule for review and approval of the FISAs.
“And so he does rely heavily on the process, on the rigor of the process, both on the FBI side and on the DOJ side, as well as on the cover note that is generated by a DOJ lawyer who has read and been involved in the drafting of that FISA application. And so, yes, the Director or Deputy Director, if he signs the FISA, you know, relies on others.”
The amount of time spent reviewing and signing off on FISA applications at the leadership level appeared to surprise the House majority investigative counsel involved in Anderson’s interview:
Mr. Baker: “And you said just a minute ago — I thought you said that the Director has 20 minutes set aside to review all the FISAs?”Ms. Anderson: “Approximately, yes.”Mr. Baker: “That’s a real number?”Ms. Anderson: “It’s not set in stone, and so we do have a process in place by which the Deputy Director or Director often will get a heads-up about the number — there’s an email that goes out every evening that indicates the number of FISAs that are ready for the Director’s signature by the next morning.”
Despite the fact that Anderson did not read the final FISA application she signed off on, Anderson repeatedly noted the particular importance of the Page FISA and claimed that it received an extraordinary level of scrutiny and preparation:
“We understood, because of who Carter Page was, that people would second-guess the appropriateness of submitting the FISA application, and so we were taking extra care with the application itself.”
Anderson claimed not to recall if she signed any of the three subsequent renewals of the Page FISA. But she did, toward the very end of her testimony—after denying multiple times that she had read it—suddenly recall that she had read the FISA at an undisclosed “earlier point in the process.”
Anderson had testified, however, that her only knowledge of the legal predicate for probable cause came from the DOJ cover letter that was attached to the final version that she signed, not from the actual FISA itself.
Political Bias?
Anderson was asked if she had observed any “improper considerations, including political bias” that might have affected or impacted the Page FISA process. To this question, she immediately responded that she had not.
Anderson was then asked if she had observed “any improprieties in that process that would have required subsequent disclosures to the FISA court about content that the FBI had omitted.”
At this point, Anderson halted her testimony and the FBI counsel interjected.
Upon resumption, Anderson testified that she had been “advised by the FBI lawyers that I can’t answer that question in an unclassified setting.” The topic of additional or supplemental information provided to the FISA court would be returned to once more during Anderson’s testimony:
Mr. Baker: “Do you know if any additional information, either supplemental or for clarification, was provided to the court for any of the FISAs in the Russia case?”Ms. Anderson: “This question raises the same classification issue that was raised by the question a few moments ago by the minority staff. And so, based on my consultation with the FBI lawyers, I’m not able to answer that question in this unclassified setting.”Mr. Baker: “Okay.”
Anderson did testify that in the Page FISA process, she was not aware of any attempts by the DOJ or FBI to intentionally mislead the FISA court.
Jeff Carlson is a regular contributor to The Epoch Times. He also runs the website <a href="http://TheMarketsWork.com" rel="nofollow">TheMarketsWork.com</a> and can be followed on Twitter @themarketswork.
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Mueller Probe Focuses On 2016 Manafort Meeting With Kilimnik
RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty-Feb 7, 2019
A court transcript unsealed on February 7 in Paul Manafort's criminal case says an August 2016 meeting between Manafort and Konstantin ...
Mueller: Manafort downplayed Russian associate's conduct even after ...
In-Depth-Politico-Feb 7, 2019 Manafort Worked With Russian-Ukrainian On Peace Plan Before ...
RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty-Jan 16, 2019
KYIV -- Konstantin Kilimnik, the alleged Russian intelligence operative who helped run Paul Manafort's operations in Kyiv for roughly a decade, ...
Mueller dropped an intriguing hint about where the Russia probe is ...
Business Insider-Jan 16, 2019
Paul Manafort's "Russian Brain," Konstantin Kilimnik, Is a Key Part of ...
International-Newsweek-Jan 16, 2019 Manafort worked with Kilimnik, reported Russian operative, even after ...
Boing Boing (blog)-Jan 17, 2019
And it suggests he was doing so in concert with Konstantin Kilimnik, a Russian employee of his consulting firm who is alleged to have ties to ...
 Mueller's team discusses pardons and the Trump administration in a ...
Vox-Feb 8, 2019
For instance: While chairing the Trump campaign, Manafort secretly met with his longtime Russian associate, Konstantin Kilimnik. Prosecutor ...
 Is Oleg Deripaska the missing link in the Trump-Russia investigation?
The Guardian-Jan 28, 2019
The timing of the talks between Trump's campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, a veteran political consultant, and Konstantin Kilimnik, his longtime ...
 Trump & Co. sound less assured when painting the Russia probe as ...
Newsday-Jan 13, 2019
... Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort shared internal polling data with Konstantin Kilimnik, whom authorities tie to Russian intelligence.
Details about Manafort's interactions show Mueller's focus on Russian ...
International-Tribune-Review-Jan 13, 2019 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| konstantin kilimnik and german intelligence - Google Search google.com/search?q=konst… | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
konstantin kilimnik and german intelligence - Google Search google.com/search?q=konst…
Posted by
 mikenov on Sunday, February 10th, 2019 1:53pm | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Konstantin Kilimnik - Wikipedia | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Konstantin V. Kilimnik (Russian: Константин Килимник; Ukrainian: Костянтин Килимник; b. 1970) is a Russian political consultant. In the United States, he has become a person of interest in the 2017 Special Counsel investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections, particularly due to his ties with Paul Manafort, an American political consultant, who served as a campaign manager for Donald Trump.
Kilimnik is believed by CNN and The New York Times to be "Person A" listed in court documents filed by the Special Council against Manafort, which allege that Person A has ties to Russian intelligence agencies, or is a Russian intelligence operative. He is also believed to be Person A in court documents filed in the criminal indictment of Alex van der Zwaan. In 2017 Kilimnik denied any such intelligence ties.[1]
Kilimnik was indicted by Special Counsel Robert Mueller's grand jury on June 8, 2018 on charges of obstruction of justice and conspiracy to obstruct justice by attempting to tamper with a witness on behalf of Manafort.[2][3]
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Ireland backstop clause not a 'trick' to keep UK in EU: Germany
Yahoo News-Feb 8, 2019
German Finance Minister Olaf Scholz attends a media briefing during his ... ties to Russian intelligence goes to the "heart" of the Russia investigation, .... 2, 2016 meeting between Manafort and Konstantin Kilimnik was one of ...
Breaking down the bunny ear boom
Axios-Jan 29, 2019
... called attention to Manafort's meetings with business associate Konstantin Kilimnik, who is suspected of having ties to Russian intelligence. .... Andreas Mundt, the president of Germany's Federal Cartel Office, speaks during ...
US economy smashes expectations, creating 304000 jobs in January
Axios-Feb 1, 2019
... called attention to Manafort's meetings with business associate Konstantin Kilimnik, who is suspected of having ties to Russian intelligence. .... Andreas Mundt, the president of Germany's Federal Cartel Office, speaks during ...
 Giuliani just contradicted nearly all the Trump team's past collusion ...
Chicago Daily Herald-Jan 17, 2019
... associate, Konstantin Kilimnik, who special counsel Robert Mueller's team has said had ties to Russian intelligence during the 2016 campaign. ... Giuliani: "And even if it comes from a Russian, or a German, or an American, ...
 The Trump Chronicles: Collusion, No. Conspiracy, Yes.
<a href="http://theberkshireedge.com" rel="nofollow">theberkshireedge.com</a>-Jan 25, 2019
The FBI has assessed that Kilimnik has ties to Russian intelligence, .... 2017, Trump attends the G-20 summit in Hamburg, Germany the site of ...
 Inside the National Enquirer's connection to Trump
Yahoo News-Feb 8, 2019
... is demonizing are in a similar situation to those German Jews, seeking refuge from ... U.S. intelligenceagencies believe Crown Prince Mohammed .... 2, 2016 meeting between Manafort and Konstantin Kilimnikwas one of ...
Russia in Review, Feb. 1-8, 2019
Russia Matters-Feb 8, 2019
He said Germany would organize an arms-control conference in Berlin in March. ... and a business associate who prosecutors say has ties to Russian intelligence. ... August 2016 meeting between Manafort and Konstantin Kilimnik goes to the ...
 The Trump team's persistent lying about Russia creates ...
Center for Public Integrity-Feb 4, 2019
Foreign intelligence services looking to achieve their own goals in Washington .... polling data with a Russian-connected aide named Konstantin Kilimnik. ... meeting in Germany, where he had just had a tête-à-tête with Putin.
 Mueller Suspects Manafort Gave 2016 Polling Data to Russian
Bloomberg-Jan 8, 2019
Mueller has claimed that Manafort, a political consultant, lied about his communications with Konstantin Kilimnik, who served as a translator ...
Manafort's poorly redacted filing reveals new Mueller investigation ...
International-Vox-Jan 8, 2019  The Astonishing Tale of the Man Mueller Just Indicted
The Atlantic-Jun 6, 2018
So he grew reliant on Konstantin Kilimnik, a Soviet-born native who ... described Person A's ties to Russian intelligence as “active” through the ...
 Mueller Bolsters Manafort Case With Charges of Suspected Spy
Bloomberg-Jun 8, 2018
The U.S. is now charging Manafort and the associate, Konstantin Kilimnik, with obstructing justice and conspiring to get potential witnesses to ...
Robert Mueller indicts Paul Manafort associate, Russian-Ukrainian ...
International-Washington Examiner-Jun 8, 2018  GOP Senator: Manafort Wasn't Colluding, He Knew Russian Agent ...
New York Magazine-Jan 9, 2019
... Konstantin Kilimnik, his business partner and a Russian intelligence ... Manafort worked alongside a known Russian intelligence agent for ...
 Russia in Review, Jan. 4-11, 2019
Russia Matters-Jan 11, 2019
Germany will try to protect German and European companies from .... with Russian-Ukrainian man Konstantin Kilimnik, whom U.S. intelligence ...
 Merkel calls on each citizen to fight anti-Semitism
Yahoo News-Jan 26, 2019
BERLIN (AP) — German Chancellor Angela Merkel has called on every ... ties to Russian intelligence attended the inauguration of President Donald Trump, ... Russian-Ukrainian political operative Konstantin Kilimnik met with ...
 20 indicted in multimillion-dollar online fraud scheme
Yahoo News-Feb 7, 2019
Germany to restrict Facebook's data gathering activities ... to Russian intelligence goes to the "heart" of the Russia investigation, according to ... contacts between Manafort and his longtime associate, Konstantin Kilimnik, who ...
 'Person A' In His Own Words: On The Record With Shadowy Operative ...
RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty-Apr 8, 2018
While his real name has not been revealed, Person A has been identified by media as Konstantin Kilimnik -- a ... Kilimnik cut communication in late September, as Mueller's ... LISTEN: Kilimnik denies ties to Russian intelligence, declares ..... German Tech Firm's Turkmen Ties Trigger Surveillance Concerns.
 The Early Edition: January 16, 2019
Just Security-Jan 16, 2019
... former British intelligence agent Christopher Steele dossier, as well the recent ... aide Konstantin Kilimnikand others, according to a court filing yesterday. .... German police have arrested a 50-year-old Afghan-German man ...
 Russia in Review, Jan. 11-18, 2019
Russia Matters-Jan 18, 2019
(The Moscow Times, 01.17.19); While in Moscow, German Foreign Minister .... Adam Schiff, who now leads the Intelligence Committee as part of the new .... with former Russian aide Konstantin Kilimnik and others, a Jan.
 Manafort trial - live updates: Rick Gates claims political consultant ...
The Independent-Aug 6, 2018
Mr Gates said an associate, Konstantin Kilimnik, had control over the ... has accused Mr Kilimnik of having current ties to Russian intelligence ...
 Extradition hearing set for Louisiana shooting suspect
Yahoo News-Jan 28, 2019
... ties to Russian intelligence goes to the "heart" of the Russia investigation, ... between Manafort and his longtime associate, Konstantin Kilimnik, who .... is demonizing are in a similar situation to those German Jews, seeking ...
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| Mueller Probe Focuses On 2016 Manafort Meeting With Kilimnik | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The U.S. special counsel's probe into Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election is focusing on a meeting between Donald Trump's then-campaign chairman and a business associate who prosecutors say has ties to Russian intelligence.
A court transcript unsealed on February 7 in Paul Manafort's criminal case says an August 2016 meeting between Manafort and Konstantin Kilimnik goes to the "larger view of what we think is going on" and what "we think the motive here is."
"This goes, I think, very much to the heart of what Special Counsel [Robert Mueller's] office is investigating," Andrew Weissmann, one of the prosecutors on Mueller's team, told the judge, according to a transcript of the hearing.
Much of the transcript was redacted, including portions relating to Kilimnik.
In previous court documents, it was revealed that one of the topics discussed by Manafort and Kilimnik was a possible "Ukrainian peace plan."
The peace plan refers to the conflict that erupted in Ukraine in 2014, after President Viktor Yanukovych fled the country amid mass protests. The United States and Western allies hit Russia with sanctions after Moscow annexed Ukraine's Crimea Peninsula, and Moscow had sought to ease the punitive measures.
According to court filings, the "peace plan" was reportedly aimed at lifting the U.S. sanctions on Russia.
Manafort was convicted in federal court in Virginia in August of bank fraud and tax evasion connected to his work in Ukraine. He later pleaded guilty in a separate case to two counts of conspiracy.
Manafort has been imprisoned since June, when a federal judge said he violated his bail by reaching out to potential witnesses in his case. According to prosecutors, he and Kilimnik contacted potential witnesses in Mueller’s investigation, trying to tell them what to say if they were questioned -- a federal crime.
Mueller is investigating whether there was collusion between Trump's 2016 presidential campaign and Russia, which U.S. intelligence agencies charge mounted an influence operation to sway the vote to Trump over his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton.
Kilimnik, who was indicted last year on charges of witness tampering in Manafort's case, has denied having ties to Russian spy agencies.
Trump denies he colluded with Russian agents, and Moscow denies interfering in the election to help Trump.
With reporting by Reuters, AP, and CNN
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Mueller Probe Focuses On 2016 Manafort Meeting With Kilimnik rferl.org/a/mueller-prob…
Posted by
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| 8:07 AM 2/10/2019 - Дошло - Доехало? Has the point been driven in, finally? The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
 M.N.: I think that the Russian Leadership fully understands the enormity and the complexity of the problem if The New Abwehr Hypothesis of The Operation Trump is correct. It becomes the common problem. I also think that the Russian Leadership should wholeheartedly and in absolutely good faith assist the Mueller Investigation in all ways possible, including the compliance with the subpoena to the Sberbank if it is indeed that mysterious, possibly Russian Government owned entity in question that petitioned the Supreme Court. - 8:07 AM 2/10/2019 Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠ - 25 Sale of Trump's debt by Deutsche Bank to Sberbank? - 12:49 PM 2/4/2019  Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠ - 25
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NEW YORK — At first, Michael Cohen appeared indifferent as he listened to the group of Republican leaders urge his boss to run for governor.
It was the fall of 2013, and Donald Trump was already fixated on “the big thing,” as he referred to running for president. But the Republicans knew they were getting somewhere when Trump signaled to his attorney that he wanted more talks.
“So Michael,” Trump would say, “you get us a date on the calendar.”
Soon enough, no one in the billionaire’s coterie was more enthusiastic than Cohen about the prospect of a Governor Trump. Albany, Cohen believed, was a great opportunity not only for his boss but also, as it happened, for himself.
‘All the best people’
How President Trump’s inner circle has changed the way Washington works.
After the meetings, Cohen would adjourn to his office at Trump Tower to plan next steps with Michael Caputo, the Republican strategist plotting Trump’s gubernatorial campaign. But Cohen surprised Caputo by talking about his own political aspirations. He told Caputo he had always wanted to run for mayor of New York City, a race he said he could win if Trump was governor.
At one point, Cohen floated the idea of a Trump-Cohen statewide ticket, an idea Caputo considered as absurd as Cohen running for mayor. “He kept bringing it up,” Caputo said. “It went from Michael Cohen interested in running for mayor to, well, ‘I’ll run for lieutenant governor under Donald Trump.’ I didn’t want to disabuse him of it, because he was our liaison. I felt like, ‘Yeah, okay Michael.’ ”
In his decade at the center of Trump’s inner circle, Cohen styled himself as the tycoon’s pugnacious man Friday, an indefatigable loyalist who aped his boss’s husky-voiced bluster. In Cohen, Trump found a fellow New Yorker who had also grown up at the city’s suburban edges, a one-man cheering section who hailed Trump as an infallible “patriarch” worthy of protection “at all costs.”
Donald Trump with Michael Cohen in 2006. (Obtained by The Washington Post)
Yet, even while doting on “Mr. Trump,” as he called his boss, Cohen was squarely focused on his own ambitions. Trump was Cohen’s ticket to greater wealth, TV appearances and Page Six, the New York Post’s daily serving of intel about Manhattan’s jet set. Theirs was a relationship Cohen could boast about to anyone he encountered, including childhood friends from Long Island, some of whom said they did not expect him to amount to anything extraordinary.
Now, as he prepares to testify before two congressional committees this month and faces a three-year prison sentence beginning in March, Cohen finds himself repeatedly denigrated by the man he publicly revered. Trump was Cohen’s potential pathway to prestigious new titles — mayor, congressman, even White House chief of staff. After Trump’s election, as he waited for a Washington job that never came, Cohen sold himself to corporations as a direct line to the new president.
“He didn’t care about Trump,” said Evgeny “Gene” Freidman, who for a time managed Cohen’s 32 valuable taxi medallions. “Yes, he called him ‘Mr. Trump.’ But what he cared about was his business card that said, ‘Personal attorney to Donald Trump.’ ”
Cohen, 52, who declined to be interviewed for this report, pleaded guilty last year to tax evasion, lying to Congress and violating campaign finance laws by making hush-money payments to two women who threatened to publicize their alleged affairs with Trump.
Michael Cohen leaves federal court in New York in August. (Mark Kauzlarich/Bloomberg News)
Cohen has said “blind loyalty” drove him to break the law and lie on President Trump’s behalf. Yet, when asked in an ABC News interview to explain the roots of his loyalty, he said, “I do not know the answer.”
The president’s allies have questioned the authenticity of Cohen’s fealty, as have federal prosecutors, who asserted in court papers that he was driven by “ambition and greed” and “relished the status of ultimate fixer.”
Rudolph W. Giuliani, the former New York mayor and now one of the president’s attorneys, said Cohen’s claim to loyalty is undermined by his decision to secretly record a phone call with Trump while serving as his lawyer.
“It’s almost like committing murder for a lawyer to violate the attorney-client privilege in such a blatant way,” said Giuliani, whose own credibility has been questioned after he made several misstatements in defense of the president. “Never heard of a lawyer doing that. That’s the part I find most shocking.”
“He didn’t care about Trump. Yes, he called him ‘Mr. Trump.’ But what he cared about was his business card that said, ‘Personal attorney to Donald Trump.’ ”
Evgeny “Gene” Freidman, a onetime Cohen business associate
Long before Cohen turned on the president, questions about his trustworthiness had percolated among Trump’s advisers. Before the first meeting about the New York governor’s race, Caputo said Roger Stone, then Trump’s political adviser, warned him that Cohen was “mercurial — you don’t want to get on his bad side. He can’t be trusted.”
Cohen’s talk of running for mayor roiled members of Trump’s inner circle. Sam Nunberg, another Trump adviser at the time, was angered to learn from a Republican operative that Cohen had raised the subject with Ed Cox, chairman of New York’s GOP.
According to Nunberg, Cox was flabbergasted that Cohen had spoken of his own political aspirations at the start of a discussion meant to be about Trump’s gubernatorial campaign. Cox declined to comment on what he called a private conversation.
“Cohen was always trying to use Trump to better himself,” Nunberg said. “Cohen was about Cohen.”
The Brooklyn office of Morton Levine, Michael Cohen’s uncle. (Paul Schwartzman/The Washington Post)
Uncle Morty
On their senior yearbook pages, Cohen’s classmates at Woodmere Academy, an exclusive Long Island private school, quoted luminaries such as Joni Mitchell, Garry Trudeau and Langston Hughes.
Cohen, unsmiling in his portrait, chose a passage by Henry David Thoreau. “I never found the companion that was so companionable as solitude,” it began. Cohen did not credit the author.
Cohen grew up in Lawrence, N.Y., surrounded by prosperous lawyers, doctors and business executives. His mother, Sondra, was a nurse. His father, Maurice, a surgeon, was born in Poland in 1935 and survived the “gulags of Siberia,” according to a letter he wrote to the judge who sentenced his son.
The parking lot at Woodmere Academy resembled a “foreign-car dealership” because so many students drove imports, said Aron Yagoda, a student at the time. Cohen’s classmates remember him as an average student who was gregarious and worked as a DJ at parties.
 
A senior-year picture of Michael Cohen in the Woodmere Academy yearbook. (Paul Schwartzman/The Washington Post) Michael Cohen, top left, in the Woodmere yearbook. (Paul Schwartzman/The Washington Post)
Classmate Brian Levenstein described Cohen’s clique as the “upper echelon of Woodmere.”
“To be friends with him, you had to be like him, you had to dress like him,” he said.
As a teen, Cohen worked at Camp Stanley, a weight-loss retreat in the Catskill Mountains north of New York City. Cohen also was a lifeguard at the El Caribe Country Club in south Brooklyn. The camp and club were owned by Cohen’s uncle, Morty Levine.
On a Tuesday afternoon in late January, Levine, 84, sat in a chair in the waiting room of the Brooklyn office where he has practiced medicine since the 1970s. Ever since the mess with his nephew started, Levine said, he has struggled to sleep through the night.
“People look at me and ask, ‘Is everything okay?’ It has taken a toll on all of us,” Levine said, meaning Cohen’s parents, three siblings, aunts, uncles and cousins.
Until Cohen settled into adulthood, Levine loomed large in the life of his nephew, who, in a brief text to a reporter, described the doctor as “more like a brother than an uncle.”
“I was somebody everyone wanted to be,” said Levine, the brother of Cohen’s mother. “I was well built, very handsome, athletic and extremely smart. He had someone to emulate.”
Levine owned hotels, restaurants, real estate, summer camps and a fleet of cars that included a Bentley, a Lexus and Cadillacs. It was a lifestyle — wealth, an appetite for luxury and a predilection for self-promotion — that Cohen would later find on a larger scale in Trump.
“Meet Dr. Morton W. Levine — Your secret weapon against fat!” boasted an ad featuring the smiling doctor that appeared in newspapers and magazines in the early 1980s. The promotion was for a diet formula that Levine claimed “worked for over 10,000 of my patients.” (He now acknowledges his math may have been driven more by salesmanship than fact).
Morton Levine at his office in Brooklyn. (Paul Schwartzman/The Washington Post)
“Wherever his Uncle Morty was, that’s where you’d find Michael,” said Chris Sabatino, who worked at Camp Stanley and the El Caribe. He described the teenage Cohen as a “smartass with a twinkle in his eye. The same guy you see on television. Nothing has changed.”
Over the years, the El Caribe has hosted a cross section of New York life — families from Brooklyn, high school proms, Democratic and Republican organizations, a panoply of religious groups, and Italian and Russian mobsters, some of whom were also Levine’s patients.
“I was ‘il dottore de tutti de capos,’ ” Levine said. “I was in a neighborhood with a lot of Italian families. You treat the mother, the father. They recommend you.”
One patient, he said, was Anthony “Gaspipe” Casso, a Lucchese crime-family underboss whose bomb-resistant waterfront mansion the doctor briefly owned in the early 1990s. And mob boss John Gotti, Levine said, hosted a huge Christmas bash in 1988 at the El Caribe. “Gotti was a great guy,” Levine said. “So was ‘Gaspipe.’ ”
Levine said he did not know whether his nephew interacted with mobsters at the El Caribe. But Cohen’s friends say he emulated the gangsters’ style, even into adulthood. “He wished he was in ‘Goodfellas,’ ” said Greg Ehrlich, whose wedding Cohen attended in the early 2000s. “I’d say: ‘You’re Jewish. Why are you wearing a pinkie ring like a gangster?’ ”
The El Caribe wedding-reception venue and banquet hall in Brooklyn, shown this week. (Timothy Fadek for The Washington Post)
Cohen saw less of his uncle after moving to Washington to attend American University, though Levine said he helped him start a foreign-car importing business at the time. After college, Cohen enrolled at Thomas M. Cooley Law School, which the National Advisory Council for Law School Transparency has ranked as among the country’s least selective. A classmate, Greg Crockett, said Cohen drove a “beautiful Jaguar convertible” — a gift from his uncle — and helped friends “through the worst of times by telling a joke.”
“He’d say, ‘What do you call the lawyer with a 2.0 grade-point average?’ ” Crockett said. “You call them ‘counselor’ because they’re a lawyer. Who cares what their GPA is?”
By the mid-1990s, Cohen was back in New York and engaged to Laura Shusterman, who grew up in Queens, daughter of a wealthy Ukrainian businessman who in 1993 pleaded guilty to fraud.
In 1994, Cohen’s uncle attended their wedding at the Pierre Hotel on Fifth Avenue. By then, Levine said he no longer spoke regularly with his nephew, who was working as a personal-injury lawyer and juggling “five phones.”
“Every time I’d call, he was too busy to talk,” Levine said. “Once he became involved with Trump, Trump became his mentor.”
Michael Cohen, center, with incoming Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn, left, and former Texas governor Rick Perry at Trump Tower in December 2016. (Albin Lohr-Jones/Bloomberg News)
‘I’m going to come at you’
One day in late 2012, Tom Allon, then an owner of Avenue Magazine, a glossy chronicle of the ever-fabulous, answered his telephone and heard a familiar voice, thick and nasal:
“Mr. Trump is really mad at you.”
Cohen was calling to inform Allon that his boss did not appreciate being excluded from Avenue’s list of the 200 most influential New Yorkers. Nor was Trump pleased that his wife, Melania, was not included among the city’s 25 sexiest women.
As Trump’s special counsel, Cohen had a diverse portfolio. One day he was pushing a Trump golf-course deal in California. On another, he was flying to Iowa on a Trump jet to float the boss’s name as a presidential possibility. Every day was another opportunity to make a public show of his loyalty.
“If somebody does something Mr. Trump doesn’t like, I do everything in my power to resolve it to Mr. Trump’s benefit,” Cohen told ABC News in 2011. “If you do something wrong, I’m going to come at you, grab you by the neck and I’m not going to let you go until I’m finished.”
Cohen loved to show off his ties to Trump — even at one of his son’s baseball games, where he ran into Melissa Solomon, an elementary school classmate.
Cohen told her that he was working for Trump and that Trump had attended his son’s bar mitzvah. He flipped through the photos on his phone to show her one of himself posing with contestants at a Trump beauty pageant.
“He was very proud,” Solomon said.
In the decade before he worked for the tycoon, Cohen built his law practice and invested in myriad business ventures, including taxi medallions and, like Trump, legalized gambling. He put up $1.5 million to join a partnership that purchased a Florida casino boat. It failed.
Cohen dove into New York’s real estate market. He bought a $1 million condo in Trump World Tower near the United Nations, where his parents and in-laws also purchased apartments. Four years later, he spent $5 million to buy into Trump Park Avenue, where Trump’s daughter Ivanka Trump and her husband, Jared Kushner, owned condos. In 2014, Cohen sold four Manhattan buildings for $32 million — three times what he had paid several years earlier.
But Cohen also wanted a public platform. In 2003, he ran for the New York City Council as a Republican, pitching himself as a casino-owning “community activist.” He lost by more than 40 percentage points.
A pamphlet created by Michael Cohen's campaign team when he ran for City Council in New York City in 2003. (Obtained by The Washington Post)
The next year, he attended a fundraiser for then-Rep. Patrick Kennedy, a Democrat, in Hyannis Port, Mass., on Cape Cod. Cohen posed for a photo with Kennedy and another attendee, then-Sen. Hillary Clinton, a picture he would later show off in a tweet: “#tbt being received by two great Americans.”
“It was an opportunity to say he went to the Kennedy compound,” said Ehrlich, who co-chaired the fundraiser. “And he loved the Clintons. They were like rock stars. Michael was always a climber. He wanted to be the guy.”
A couple of years later, Cohen gloated over new photos — of himself and Donald Trump, whom he had gotten to know by defending the developer during a fight for control of the condominium board at Trump World Tower.
“Check out the attachment of me with the ‘Donald,’ ” Cohen wrote in a 2006 email to Gene Freidman, who managed his taxi medallions. The following year, Trump hired Cohen as a $500,000-a-year in-house counsel.
Freidman’s control of hundreds of medallions, the permits required to operate cabs, earned him the nickname “Taxi King.” He pleaded guilty last year to a reduced charge of tax fraud. Freidman declined to comment on speculation that he cooperated with prosecutors probing Cohen.
Freidman, in an interview over steaks at an Upper East Side tavern, declined to say what he told prosecutors about Cohen, whom he described as “one of the sweetest people you’d ever meet.”
Recounting their years as friends and business associates, he said Cohen was the image of a swashbuckling high-roller, driving around Manhattan in a Bentley, frequenting trendy restaurants with as much as $10,000 in cash in his pocket and a permitted pistol strapped to his ankle.
Freidman described Cohen as a man of quirks, such as obsessively wiping down his silverware at restaurants for fear of germs. He recalled Cohen often referring to himself as an “orphan” because of a distant relationship with his parents. And Freidman said Cohen was prone to moments of unrestrained boastfulness, such as when he tweeted a photo of his oldest child in black lingerie and wrote, “So proud of my Ivy League daughter . . . brains and beauty channeling her inner Edie Sedgwick.”
Once, during a dinner with Cohen and his wife, Laura, Freidman said Cohen bragged that he had pushed aside the doctor during their son’s birth and delivered the baby himself, a claim that Laura, at the table that night, dismissed as untrue.
“And he says, ‘Shut up — you weren’t even there,’ ” Freidman said. “That’s Michael.”
There are, Freidman said, “two Michaels.” One is extraordinarily generous to friends, the kind of guy who not only recommends a doctor or lawyer but who would “schedule the appointment and drive you there.”
When Freidman’s marriage was breaking up, he said, Cohen helped him sublet a $15,000-a-month apartment that Ivanka Trump and Kushner owned in the same Park Avenue building where Cohen lived.
The “other Michael,” Freidman said, would sometimes scream at people with such force “it was like he had Tourette’s. . . . He’d put my secretaries and my lawyers in tears. I’d have to apologize to them for him and say he wasn’t really that way. He gets in that role, like he’s impersonating tough guys he saw in a movie.”
Michael Cohen in New York in April, a few days after the FBI raided Cohen’s office, apartment and hotel room. (Yana Paskova/Getty Images)
‘The odd man out’
In September 2017, Michael Caputo was in Miami when he read an interview with Cohen, who by then was at the center of the federal investigation into the Trump campaign’s ties to Russia.
“I’m the guy who would take a bullet for the president,” Cohen told Vanity Fair. “I’d never walk away.”
Caputo showed the article to his friend Kendall Coffey, a former U.S. attorney in Florida, who recalled replying: “This guy is going to be one of the first guys who rolls over and turns on President Trump. [Cohen] doth protest too much.”
The prospect of Cohen betraying Trump seemed unthinkable during the presidential race, when he served as a reliably combative surrogate. Cohen pushed back, for example, when reporters challenged Trump’s claim that “thousands” of Muslims had cheered the World Trade Center’s collapse.
“Mr. Trump’s memory is fantastic,” Cohen told CNN in 2015. “I have never come across a situation where Mr. Trump has said something that’s not accurate.”
But by the next summer, Giuliani said, Cohen “seemed like the odd man out.” Trump’s top political advisers agreed “that Michael shouldn’t be part of it.”
“Each one of them went to Donald and said, ‘We’ve got to keep this guy off television,’ ” Giuliani said. “Every time he goes on, it looks like we have a gangster working for us.”
At the time, Cohen still had notions of becoming New York’s mayor, as he told Allon, the magazine owner. He also made no secret that he hoped to get a White House appointment.
The president never offered him a position.
Nunberg said Trump’s decision to exclude Cohen helped guarantee that he would turn against the president. “Why didn’t he give Michael a stupid job at the EOB [Eisenhower Executive Office Building] and let him twiddle his thumbs?” Nunberg asked. “You’re not going to get undying loyalty if you’re not loyal yourself.”
Last April, the FBI raided Cohen’s office, apartment and hotel room. Three months later, he told ABC News that his family had his “first loyalty and always will.” Later that month, he released the recording he had secretly made of Trump discussing hush-money payments.
“What kind of lawyer would tape a client?” Trump tweeted from the White House. “So sad!”
A view of Jamaica Bay from Brooklyn’s Mill Basin area, near the El Caribe. (Timothy Fadek for The Washington Post)
‘The new Michael’
The afternoon light fading outside his office window, Levine thought about his nephew, about “the way he was.”
“The old Michael, not the new Michael,” he said. “Friendly. Reasonable. Humble. Athletic. Would do anybody a favor. Wasn’t a braggart. That’s the one I remember.”
The doctor recalled sitting at the same table as Trump at the bar mitzvah of Michael’s son, Jake. Trump posed for photographs and signed autographs. At one point, he picked up Levine’s granddaughter and danced with her.
It’s part of the reason Levine felt good about voting for Trump in 2016.
“He’s a fantastic individual; he’s very warmhearted,” Levine said. “I should hate him because he screwed my nephew. Of course he did. But that’s part of life. I’d still vote for him.”
His nephew, he said, “should have said, ‘I know nothing.’ ”
Across town, Cohen prepared for his prison term, which begins March 6. He remains largely secluded but for occasional sightings, dutifully reported by Page Six — at the restaurant Le Bilboquet, after pleading guilty; at Elio’s, where diners gave him a standing ovation.
“One hope I have,” he told ABC in December, “I will be remembered in history as helping to bring this country together.”
A business executive who ate breakfast with him a few weeks earlier said that Cohen’s eyes were “glazed” and that he seemed “downcast.”
Cohen said he was keeping two journals, according to the executive, who declined to be named to discuss a private conversation.
One journal was to document his experience. The other, his dreams.
“You have a book in you,” the executive said.
“Not one book,” Cohen replied. “Two books.”
Julie Tate contributed to this report.
Illustration by Mitch Gee for The Washington Post. Design and development by Joe Moore.
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Michael_Novakhov shared this story . SS- service record cover of Obergruppenführer und General der Polizei Reinhard Heydrich The service record of Reinhard Heydrich was a collection of official SS documents maintained at the SS Pers…
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Michael_Novakhov shared this story . SS- service record cover of Obergruppenführer und General der Polizei Reinhard Heydrich The service record of Reinhard Heydrich was a collection of official SS documents maintained at the SS Pers…
» RUSSIA and THE WEST – РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: – Командир, ручка от жопы отваливается! | – Ништяк, а мы её стразами укрепим! – 6:10 AM 1/7/2019
24/01/19 05:26 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from RUSSIA and THE WEST – РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД. Monday, January 7, 2019 – Командир, ручка от жоп…
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Michael_Novakhov shared this story from RUSSIA and THE WEST – РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД. Monday, January 7, 2019 – Командир, ручка от жоп…
» 1:55 PM 9/5/2018 – Canaris’ love affair with Reinhard Heydrich, both of whom were at least in part Jewish and Gay… | The Global Security News
24/01/19 05:12 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The Global Security News. Upon the rise of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party in Germany, gay men and, to a lesser extent, lesbians, were two of the numerous groups targeted by the Nazis and were ulti…
24/01/19 05:12 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The Global Security News. Upon the rise of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party in Germany, gay men and, to a lesser extent, lesbians, were two of the numerous groups targeted by the Nazis and were ulti…
» Amazon.com: Hitler’s Spy Chief: The Wilhelm Canaris Mystery eBook: Richard Bassett: Kindle Store
24/01/19 04:54 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story .
24/01/19 04:54 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story .
» Heydrich’s homosexuality? – Axis History Forum
24/01/19 04:52 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Heydrich’s homosexuality? #1 Post by Ezboard » 29 Sep 2002, 19:03 HannahR New Member Posts: 1 (5/26/01 5:43:01 pm) Reply Heydrich’s homosexuality? ————————————————…
24/01/19 04:52 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Heydrich’s homosexuality? #1 Post by Ezboard » 29 Sep 2002, 19:03 HannahR New Member Posts: 1 (5/26/01 5:43:01 pm) Reply Heydrich’s homosexuality? ————————————————…
» Canaris – Heydrich Gay Love Affair as the source and the engine of German Fascism of 1930-1940-s – Psychohistorical Hypothesis by Michael Novakhov
24/01/19 04:15 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Trump Investigations. Canaris – Heydrich Gay Love Affair as the source and the engine of the German Fascism of 1930-1940-s Psychohistorical Hypothesis by Michael Novakhov 9:19 AM 9/21/20…
24/01/19 04:15 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Trump Investigations. Canaris – Heydrich Gay Love Affair as the source and the engine of the German Fascism of 1930-1940-s Psychohistorical Hypothesis by Michael Novakhov 9:19 AM 9/21/20…
» 9:19 AM 9/21/2018 – (Abwehr? Drag?) Queens (Are?) Flushing (With Rage? Shame? Anger? Angst? All of the above? None of the above?) | The Global Security News
24/01/19 03:56 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The Global Security News. Mike Nova’s Shared NewsLinks Drag Bang Drag, Gala de Eleccion Drag Queen 2015 LPGC – YouTube mikenova shared this story . Drag Bang Drag, Ga…
24/01/19 03:56 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The Global Security News. Mike Nova’s Shared NewsLinks Drag Bang Drag, Gala de Eleccion Drag Queen 2015 LPGC – YouTube mikenova shared this story . Drag Bang Drag, Ga…
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