8:46 AM 3/3/2019 - The New Abwehr and The Nazi Pig Trump
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The New Abwehr and The Nazi Pig Trump
Could Germany spark another war? I fear it's all too possible
Published: 23:56 GMT, 12 March 2013 | Updated: 08:53 GMT, 13 March 2013
The world is at a crossroads in history. Vast, untameable economic forces are remaking the landscape of international affairs.
In Britain, a dithering Prime Minister is buffeted by crisis after crisis. Abroad, from the heart of Europe to the fringes of Asia, economic powers are rising. And there is talk of a new German empire, bigger and more powerful than ever.
Ever more citizens in the Mediterranean countries of the eurozone in particular argue that for the third time in less than 100 years Germany is trying to take control of Europe
It sounds like something ripped from today’s newspapers. But this was the state of the planet in 1913, 100 years ago.
At first glance, the Britain of 1913 appears impossibly different from the Britain of today. Our imperial dominion stretched across the globe, while our bankers and manufacturers were widely regarded as the best in the world.
And in a society rigidly divided by class, the Tories were in the wilderness, Labour was merely a minority third party and the Liberals — led by Herbert Asquith — were entering their eighth successive year of government.
Chilling
New Statesman described Merkel as 'the most dangerous German leader since Hitler'
Beneath the surface, however, the problems that confronted our forebears back then were uncannily similar to those facing us today, particularly in the changing balance of power in Europe.
This week, the faultlines that run ever deeper across the Continent were the subject of an extraordinary speech by a long-time president of the European Council, who insisted there are indeed chilling parallels between 2013 and the eve of World War I a century ago.
Jean Claude Juncker said that resentment against Germany is running high because its imposition of austerity — in a bid to shore up the euro — has exposed long-running tensions between nations.
‘The demons haven’t been banished; they are merely sleeping,’ he warned, adding that ‘anyone who believes the eternal issue of war and peace in Europe has been permanently laid to rest could be making a monumental error’.
Perhaps a decade ago he would have been dismissed as a scaremonger. But today, the political mood is shifting across Europe more dramatically than for many years. As the legendary American investor George Soros said last year, if the German Chancellor Angela Merkel continued in her economic demands on the rest of Europe, ‘the result will be a Europe in which Germany is seen as an imperial power that will not be loved or admired by the rest, but hated and resisted, because it will be perceived as an oppressive power.’
The Left-leaning magazine the New Statesman simply labelled Merkel ‘the most dangerous German leader since Hitler’. The language may seem inflammatory, but ever more citizens in the Mediterranean countries of the eurozone in particular argue that for the third time in less than 100 years Germany is trying to take control of Europe.
The close relationship Merkel enjoyed with the Right-wing Nicolas Sarkozy of France has been banished by the election of socialist Francois Hollande
Of course, the Germans would say they’re simply trying to maintain economic stability in nations which for years spent far beyond their means.
But if they continue to impose brutal economic strictures on Europe’s peoples, the consequences in terms of social alienation, international disputes and the rise of political extremism could be dramatic.
Already we have seen bloody protests against the German economic yoke in Athens, Rome and Madrid.
It is a situation tailor-made for ultra-nationalist, Right-wing parties such as Golden Dawn in Greece, which is acting with increasing violence and impunity against foreigners with every passing week.
At the heart of the crisis is the great euro project, an economic regime created in hubris — but now threatened with ruinous collapse.
Divide
In the past year, the close relationship Merkel enjoyed with the Right-wing Nicolas Sarkozy of France has been banished by the socialist Francois Hollande, who came to office on the promise of massive new state spending to reinvigorate the economy. Thus, a deep ideological divide now exists between the two nations.
The agonies of Greece, where effigies of Angela Merkel dressed as a Nazi were burned, have been well documented, but Portugal has been cruelly hit, too. After a 78 billion-euro bailout in 2011, its people have seen welfare spending cut and taxes raised. Even several public holidays have been abolished.
In Spain, meanwhile, cities have seen rioting as unemployment has soared to 25 per cent and anti-German sentiment has grown.
In the recent general election in Italy, Prime Minister Mario Monti - who sought to impose Brussels' austerity measures - polled just 9 per cent of the vote
Demonstrators dressed as Nazis and waving a swastika flag as they ride in an open-top car in Syntagma Square in Athens as they protest against Merkel's visit in 2012
Last year, hundreds gathered to protest in central Madrid after the German Chancellor had left the capital, waving banners and saying ‘Merkel go home’ and ‘No to a German Europe’. One Spanish economist who took part in the protest said: ‘The German financial mafia is taking Spaniards hostage . . . Merkel belongs to a political class that serves German oligarchies.’
The same sense of outrage is driving a massive protest movement in Italy, where the Right-wing newspaper Il Giornale published a front page picture of Merkel under the headline ‘Fourth Reich’.
In the recent general election, the technocrat Prime Minister Mario Monti — who sought to impose Brussels’ austerity measures — polled just 9 per cent of the vote.
More from Dominic Sandbrook for the Daily Mail...
Instead, the headlines were seized by the anti-establishment party led by stand-up comedian Beppe Grillo, who could yet prove to be kingmaker in a coalition government.
Thanks to this seemingly endless political crisis, Germany is increasingly being seen not as Europe’s economic saviour but its oppressor.
Of course, back in 1913, Kaiser Wilhelm II’s German Empire had more nakedly militaristic ambitions. Frustrated that his newly unified country had missed out on colonising Africa and Asia, he had embarked on a vastly expensive arms race with Britain, symbolised by the production of vast naval dreadnoughts.
Even at the time, many people warned that war was coming. As early as 1906, the Daily Mail — then just ten years old — had serialised a bestselling book by William Le Queux, who predicted that the inevitable war with Germany might lead to a Teutonic invasion of southern England.
Far-sighted observers of the global situation could see that behind all the domestic arguments about female suffrage, the popularity of gramophones and bicycles and all the celebrity gossip about high-society hostesses, the world was entering a new and extremely dangerous phase.
On the edge of Europe, the Ottoman Empire was breaking up, destabilising the alliances that had hitherto kept the Continent at peace.
In the First Balkan War of 1912, Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece and Montenegro had defeated the Ottomans and were busily carving up the Balkans for themselves.
In June 1913, the victors fell out over the spoils, with the Bulgarians fighting the rest for the disputed territory of Macedonia. And even now, a century on, that conflict is a reminder of the potential of ethnic passions and national resentments to unleash devastating violence on the peoples of Europe.
Superficially, of course, our own situation looks very different. Germany’s Chancellor, Angela Merkel, has even declared that the very existence of the euro is a guarantee the Continent will never again descend into bloodshed. Only by such means, she said, could we be sure to enjoy ‘another half century of peace in Europe’.
Yet the truth is that lashing together the economies of nations as disparate as Portugal, Greece, France, Italy and Germany has served only to inflame old enmities.
Bloodiest
And if keeping the euro project alive means condemning the more impoverished nations to years of penury, with the Mediterranean economies in ruins, neo-Nazis marching on the streets of Athens and resentment building against Berlin and Brussels, it would take a brave man to predict that violence will never return to the cities of Europe.
So could war again haunt the cities of the Continent?
Alas, it is never easy to draw simple lessons from history. In 1913, few people in Britain realised that the bloodiest war in human history was just around the corner. Like most of us, they had known nothing but peace and prosperity, and assumed the golden age would continue for ever.
Germany's imposition of austerity - in a bid to shore up the euro - has exposed long-running tensions between nations, so could we actually face war in Europe?
Abroad, too, few could imagine the storm that was coming. Without realising it, Europe had been dancing on the edge of a precipice.
We, too, have been living the high life, enjoying comforts our predecessors could never have imagined. And if the story of 1913 does offer a lesson, it is that, even in these financially straitened times, we should count our blessings.
We often imagine that things can only get better. But as the events of a century ago so tragically and devastatingly proved, they can, in fact, get an awful lot worse.
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Is nothing sacred? Democrats want to take away hamburgers from the American people, an ex-Trump aide has warned.
The wild claim about a supposed plot to ban the national food came from onetime White House aide Sebastian Gorka at a conservative political jamboree.
The humble ground-beef patty has become ammunition in a US cultural food fight since a Democrat argued Americans should eat fewer of the sandwiches.
Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has been touting a climate change plan.
Railing against Democrats, Mr Gorka told the Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland on Thursday: "They want to take your pickup truck.
"They want to rebuild your home. They want to take away your hamburgers."
Perhaps even more dubiously, he added: "This is what Stalin dreamt about but never achieved."
Ms Ocasio-Cortez provoked conservative scorn this month when she along with Senator Ed Markey, a Massachusetts Democrat, unveiled the Green New Deal.
Their policy paper proposed to overhaul the US economy to tackle climate change.
But it was a reference to "farting cows" in a since-retracted accompanying document that invited the ridicule of eager critics.
"We set a goal to get to net-zero, rather than zero, emissions in 10 years because we aren't sure that we'll be able to fully get rid of farting cows and airplanes that fast," the offending section said.
There is no reference to banning cows in the text of the Green New Deal itself. So, as Washington politicos used to say, where's the beef?
But Republicans seized on it as evidence of a radical far-left agenda within the Democratic party.
President Donald Trump suggested at a rally in El Paso, Texas, that "you're not allowed to own cows anymore".
Republican members of the House Natural Resources Committee took to eating hamburgers on Capitol Hill to protest against the Green New Deal.
The issue was quickly taken up on social media by conservatives, who shared photos of themselves cooking and eating beef.
Addressing the controversy, Ms Ocasio-Cortez told a late-night talk show that nobody would be forced to "go vegan", but that "we've got to address factory farming".
"Maybe we shouldn't be eating a hamburger for breakfast, lunch, and dinner," added the New York City congresswoman, a self-described democratic socialist.
While bovine flatulence is often connected to climate change, a cow releases more greenhouse gasses through burping (around 600 litres of methane a day).
Some suggested that even if the Green New Deal did call for a ban on burgers, it would be worth it to "save Earth".
Hamburger-gate raged on this week after Ms Ocasio-Cortez was photographed having dinner at a Washington restaurant with a colleague, who was caught eating the now-controversial meal.
The photograph went viral, with some suggesting the congresswoman was a hypocrite.
Ms Ocasio-Cortez's chief of staff, Saikat Chakrabarti, joked that the photo proved a "vast conspiracy" to allow Americans to eat burgers.
Americans eat nearly 50bn hamburgers a year, according to the Center for Investigative Reporting.
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The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is an annual gathering of the American right that has become well-known for wild rhetoric from its speakers.
This year’s CPAC in Maryland has already gotten off to a flying start thanks to Sebastian Gorka, Donald Trump‘s former deputy assistant, who launched an extraordinary attack on popular congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and her fellow Democrats.
“They want to take your pickup truck, they want to rebuild your home, they want to take away your hamburgers. This is what [Joseph] Stalin dreamt about but never achieved. You are on the frontlines of the war against communism coming back to America under the guise of Democratic socialism,” he told his audience.
While the Soviet Union was indeed opposed to the vulgar excesses of materialistic US consumer-capitalism during the Cold War, Mr Gorka linking Ms Ocasio-Cortez and her fellow “blue wave” idealists to the Russian dictator’s reign of terror is as obvious a piece of scaremongering as it is hysterical and disingenuous.
He is also incorrect in singling out the humble hamburger as an emblem of Bolshevik disapproval. At one time, the regime positively envied the all-American lunch option and considered it a model meal: simple, affordable and nutritious.
Donald Trump's Cabinet is one the richest in American history, filled with billionaires, conservatives and several career politicians.
AFP/Getty
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AFP/Getty
Attorney General William Barr replaced Jeff Sessions as the nation's top cop in early 2019 and has refused to commit to recusing himself from the Russia probe despite an unsolicited memo he sent to the Justice Department decrying the investigation.
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Secretary of State Mike Pompeo replaced Donald Trump's previous appointment to the post, Rex Tillerson, and has led talks with North Korea in establishing high-profile summits between the president and Kim Jong Un.
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Energy Secretary Rick Perry has held his post throughout Donald Trump's presidency despite previously undermining the need for the agency he now leads in past public statements.
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Education Secretary Betsy DeVos has also held her post throughout the presidency, despite major backlash to her apparent undermining of the nationwide public school system and advocacy for charter programmes.
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Secretary of Labor Alex Acosta still remains in his post despite calls to resign over his involvement in a controversial case surrounding Jeffrey Epstein.
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Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Ben Carson was appointed shortly after Donald Trump took office and raised controversy over an exorbitant furnishing bill for his office.
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Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue has been dogged by ethics questions throughout his tenure and faced controversy when emails showed the agency appeared willing to eagerly work with lobbyists under his leadership.
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Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar is a former pharmaceutical lobbyist and former drug company executive.
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Acting Chief of Staff and Office of Management and Budget Director Mick Mulvaney has described himself as one of the most conservative officials in the White House.
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Anastas Mikoyan, a long-serving Minister of Foreign Trade, visited the US on a diplomatic mission in 1936 where he observed the American economic system at close quarters, studying its food industry, meeting with auto tycoon Henry Ford and visiting Macy’s department store in New York City with a view to improving efficiency at home.
Mikoyan - recently portrayed on screen by Paul Whitehouse in Armando Ianucci’s satire The Death of Stalin (2017) – had already introduced canning to modernise Soviet food plants, his efforts hailed (or satirised, depending on your point-of-view) in Boris Pilnyak’s socialist-realist novel Meat (1936), a Soviet answer to The Jungle (1907) by Upton Sinclair.
He returned from his trip with a number of souvenirs of American goods he felt had virtue and should be introduced at home. His haul included ice cream, corn flakes, popcorn, tomato juice and hamburgers.
“You, Anastas, care more about ice cream, than about communism,” Stalin joked when Mikoyan encouraged the manufacture of the dessert in the USSR.
The food commissar would commission The Book of Tasty and Healthy Food in 1939, a state cookbook intended to encourage homecooking and quell interest in restaurant dining and its associated service culture. It was read by one-sixth of the world’s population at the time.
His interest in the mechanisation and mass production of a Russian equivalent to the American hamburger was halted by the Second World War and instead the “Mikoyan cutlet” emerged, a cheaper burger patty (“kotleti” in Russian) intended for the common man that was popular for many years after. The Kremlin, of course, preferred gourmet sausages.
The New York Times wrote about the dish in a profile of Mikoyan, “the man who introduced Eskimo Pie to the Soviet Union”, in November 1964: “The ‘Mikoyan cutlet’ – nobody knows whether it is pork or beef or perhaps fish or fowl – is still the cheapest, most popular if not most revered piece of meat a few kopecks can buy.”
Speaking of Mikoyan generally, the Times said: “If he had emigrated to the United States he would now be a multi‐millionaire with a Park Avenue penthouse.”
Today, the biggest McDonald’s in Europe stands in Pushkin Square in Moscow, the fast-food chain being one of the first American businesses to enter the new Russian Federation when it opened on 31 January 1990 in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Given that President Trump is such a fan of McDonald’s – appearing in an advert alongside its mascot Grimace in 2002, devouring Big Macs on Air Force One and serving 300 “hamberders” to the Clemson Tigers at the White House during the recent shutdown – Republicans can surely rest easy about any threat to their lunches from malevolent outside forces. For now.
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US President Donald Trump has launched a furious attack on Special Counsel Robert Mueller and on his critics at a conservative summit.
In the longest speech of his presidency, Mr Trump railed against the inquiry into alleged collusion between his campaign and Russia.
"We're waiting for a report by people who weren't elected," he told a crowd of cheering conservatives.
Mr Mueller is expected to hand in his report to the attorney general shortly.
Warning: this report contains strong language
"Unfortunately, you put the wrong people in a couple of positions and they leave people for a long time that shouldn't be there and all of a sudden they are trying to take you out with bullshit, okay?" the president said.
Mr Trump has frequently called the special counsel's investigation a "witch hunt".
The speech - clocking in at more than two hours - also included sharp attacks on former Attorney General Jeff Sessions, former FBI head James Comey, the Democratic Party and those critical of his approach to North Korea.
Whom did the president attack?
Speaking at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland, Mr Trump lashed out at his detractors in a wide-ranging speech.
"This is how I got elected, by being off script . . . and if we don't go off script, our country is in big trouble, folks," he began.
The president repeatedly said that Mr Mueller had "never received a vote", nor had Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, who appointed Mr Mueller to his position.
Mr Rosenstein plans to step down by March after frequent presidential attacks.
The president alleged Mr Mueller was "best friends" with former FBI head James Comey, and mocked the accent of former attorney general Mr Sessions, whom he fired in November.
He said Mr Sessions was "weak and ineffective and he doesn't do what he should have done".
What else did he say?
The president's attacks ranged widely.
He called the Green New Deal proposal - pitched by some Democrats as a radical bid to combat climate change - "the craziest plan", saying "when the wind stops blowing, that's the end of your electric".
After a series of remarks on immigrants who, he said, must "love our country", Mr Trump said, "We have people in Congress that hate our country."
"And you know that, and we can name every one of them if you want," he said.
He also defended his summit with North Korea leader Mr Kim, telling the crowd they had made "a lot of progress" and saying the country had "an incredible, brilliant future".
Mr Trump also pledged to protect free speech on US university campuses with an executive order.
The speech came at the end of a difficult week for the president.
Mr Trump's former lawyer Michael Cohen called him a "racist", "conman" and a "cheat" in a congressional hearing.
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March 2, 2019 — Even as more layers continue to be revealed from what seems to be an endless peeling back of Robert Mueller’s investigative onion, it’s clear that the Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton and Russian camps will each be left standing amidst its pungent aroma.
As I said almost two years ago, regardless of how you feel about our current president, his election and subsequent controversies — while polarizing Americans — has also forced us to engage with our government and its policies more than we have since the 1960s and 70s.
And that, at least, is a good thing.
In that same way, I also believe that the multiple indictments Mueller has handed down over the preceding months are just the beginning of what I hope will force us to take a hard look at just how ineffective and corrupt our political system has become — because regardless of which side of the aisle you’re from, American politics has developed an corrosive dependency on campaign funding from special interests.
In the 2004 general election, 95 percent of House races and 91 percent of Senate races were won by candidates who spent the most on their campaigns. This has only become more prevalent since 2010, when the Supreme Court’s “Citizens United” decision began allowing unlimited spending by corporations, unions and individuals in elections — spawning Super PACS (Political Action Committees) that routinely raise millions of dollars for candidates by holding events hosted by special interests, lobbyists and others hoping to benefit from influencing future legislation.
While legislators and their staff are prohibited by law from making fundraising calls from their offices, both Democrats and Republicans can utilize party-owned call centers within two blocks of Capitol Hill.
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This was documented in a “60 Minutes” report last April, when Florida Rep. David Jolly exposed “call centers” in the back rooms of his own party’s headquarters where legislators and staff can make “cold calls” utilizing a script aimed at persuading individuals to donate.
According to Jolly, the goal is to procure $18,000 a day.
“These are essentially sweat shop phone booths that compromise the dignity of the office,” Jolly said in his interview.
Sure, he was a Republican, but without question Democrats utilize the same banking operations that have become another cog in an out-of-control political machine.
While issues of collusion, manipulation, money laundering, false statements and conspiracy are being leveled, these are merely symptoms of a political plaque that has been building in the arteries of our government for decades — and now threatens the very heartbeat of our democracy.
Mueller’s investigation could prove to be one of the most important in our nation’s history, revealing a diagnosis of what we need to know rather than what we want to know.
Only then can we begin to address the kinds of reforms needed to assure that the heart of our political system beats for its people rather than its pocketbook.
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