New Abwehr and "Germany’s Strategic Repositioning" as the top security risk - Google Search Tuesday January 29th, 2019 at 7:43 AM
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The New "Germany’s Strategic Repositioning", also as this propaganda piece, and the New Abwehr Hypothesis of the Trump Crisis and the so called Trump Russia Affair. - M.N.
New Abwehr and Germany’s Strategic Repositioning as top security risk - Google Search
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Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠  | ||
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| top risks to American security - Google Search | ||
Tue, 29 Jan 2019 06:49:47 -0500
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| top risks to American security - Google Search | ||
Tue, 29 Jan 2019 06:48:44 -0500
Intelligence Chiefs Set to Outline Threat of Chinese Cyberspying
New York Times-1 hour ago
WASHINGTON — Threats posed by Chinese cyberespionage ... are expected to be among the top risks to American security as outlined by ...
US charges Chinese telecoms giant Huawei with conspiracy, money ...
South China Morning Post-11 hours ago
US charges top Chinese cellphone maker Huawei with money ...
International-<a href="http://NBCNews.com" rel="nofollow">NBCNews.com</a>-13 hours ago | ||
| Intelligence Chiefs Set to Outline Threat of Chinese Cyberspying | ||
Tue, 29 Jan 2019 06:45:53 -0500
WASHINGTON — Threats posed by Chinese cyberespionage — including the role of the telecommunications giant Huawei as it builds networks around the world — are expected to be among the top risks to American security as outlined by United States spy chiefs on Tuesday.
A hearing in front of the Senate Intelligence Committee is expected to touch on recent indictments against Chinese hackers, Beijing’s intelligence agents and Huawei.
Cyberattacks and cyberespionage have been the top threats outlined by the American intelligence chiefs for several years at their annual threat hearings. The growing concerns within the United States government about the actions of Huawei and other Chinese telecommunications companies are likely to sharpen that assessment on Tuesday.
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"top risks to American security" - Google News.
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Editor’s Note: For many years, Germany and the United States cooperated to advance mutual foreign policy goals while Germany embedded itself in the European Union. This mutually beneficial arrangement is now in crisis as the Trump administration questions the German alliance and as Europe turns on itself. Gunther Hellmann of the University of Frankfurt gives us a picture of Germany at a crossroads and discusses the perils of each possible path.
Daniel Byman
***
German foreign policy is currently undergoing its most dramatic strategic repositioning since the 1950s. The “idea of a balanced partnership,” which German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas laid out recently in a widely discussed newspaper article, is the most articulate expression of a fundamental reorientation vis-à-vis the United States. Never before has a German foreign minister advocated a role for Germany to serve as a soft balancer that would “form a counterweight when the U.S. crosses the line.” This reorientation coincides with an increasingly prominent role for Germany in European affairs with the European Union facing an increasingly assertive Russia and continuing internal divisions. For Germany (and Europe) this boils down to a dramatic realignment of the European balance of power. It also carries risks.
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Intelligence Chiefs Set to Outline Threat of Chinese Cyberspying
New York Times-1 hour ago
WASHINGTON — Threats posed by Chinese cyberespionage ... are expected to be among the top risks to American security as outlined by ...
US charges Chinese telecoms giant Huawei with conspiracy, money ...
South China Morning Post-11 hours ago
South China Morning Post-11 hours ago
US charges top Chinese cellphone maker Huawei with money ...
International-<a href="http://NBCNews.com" rel="nofollow">NBCNews.com</a>-13 hours ago
International-<a href="http://NBCNews.com" rel="nofollow">NBCNews.com</a>-13 hours ago
WASHINGTON — Threats posed by Chinese cyberespionage — including the role of the telecommunications giant Huawei as it builds networks around the world — are expected to be among the top risks to American security as outlined by United States spy chiefs on Tuesday.
A hearing in front of the Senate Intelligence Committee is expected to touch on recent indictments against Chinese hackers, Beijing’s intelligence agents and Huawei.
Cyberattacks and cyberespionage have been the top threats outlined by the American intelligence chiefs for several years at their annual threat hearings. The growing concerns within the United States government about the actions of Huawei and other Chinese telecommunications companies are likely to sharpen that assessment on Tuesday.
The Huawei challenge.
The Justice Department unveiled charges on Monday against Huawei, the Chinese company that is helping build next-generation telecommunications networks, accusing it of violating Iran sanctions and stealing intellectual property. American officials have accused Huawei of being a security threat to the United States and the rest of the West.
Christopher A. Wray, the F.B.I. director, who is set to testify at the hearing, told reporters on Monday that “the immense influence” that the Chinese government has over Huawei was a threat to American security.
“The F.B.I. does not — and will not — tolerate businesses that violate our laws, obstruct our justice and jeopardize our national security,” Mr. Wray said. “We will not stand idly by while any entity — be it a foreign power or corporation — seeks to criminally or unfairly undermine our country’s place in the world.”
Senator Mark Warner, Democrat of Virginia and the vice chairman of the intelligence panel, said on Monday that there was “ample evidence” that no Chinese company was operating independent of the government in Beijing.
“It has been clear for some time that Huawei poses a threat to our national security,” said Mr. Warner, who before entering politics helped found a telecom company. “This is also a reminder that we need to take seriously the risks of doing business with companies like Huawei and allowing them access to our markets.”
Dan Coats, the director of national intelligence, is expected to discuss both stepped-up Chinese espionage and cyberactivity against the United States and its allies, as well as the advantage Beijing gets by having its national companies take a leading role in telecommunications networks.
The White House has, so far, taken a tough line with China, accusing it of unfair trade practices. Some officials have privately speculated that the administration could soften its line on Huawei as it reaches a trade deal with Beijing.
Chinese and American negotiators are set to talk Wednesday and Thursday in Washington. Steven Mnuchin, the Treasury secretary, said on Monday he expects significant progress but acknowledged there were “complicated issues” around how to enforce any deal.
A tough stance on North Korea, the Islamic State and more.
Beyond China, the intelligence officials will most likely carefully navigate the discussion around where the administration has staked out positions that President Trump has publicly contradicted.
The intelligence chiefs are expected to discuss North Korea’s nuclear abilities and the threat from the Islamic State. Lawmakers are also expected to press the officials on the political unrest in Venezuela, according to congressional officials.
The hearing will present Mr. Coats and Gina Haspel, the C.I.A. director, with the challenge of candidly presenting their agency’s views that are often tougher than positions staked out by Mr. Trump.
Mr. Trump has often found himself at odds with the assessments of his intelligence agencies. They include the effect Russia has had on American elections, North Korea’s intentions to denuclearize, the continued threat of the Islamic State and the culpability of the Saudi crown prince in the death of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Intelligence officials have taken stronger positions than Mr. Trump on some issues, including North Korea’s continuing nuclear activity, the strength of the Islamic State and Russia’s attempts to influence elections.
Speaking ‘truth to power.’
April F. Doss, a former associate general counsel at the National Security Agency, said the most recent National Intelligence Strategy made a point of highlighting the responsibility of the intelligence agencies to “speak truth to power” and to deliver intelligence objectively.
“They are going to be very mindful of reassuring the intelligence committee and the public they are committed to carrying out their work in an apolitical, nonpartisan fashion,” said Ms. Doss, now a partner at the law firm Saul Ewing Arnstein & Lehr.
Ms. Haspel has made few public appearances since taking the helm of the C.I.A. last year. In her last public appearance in September, she was skeptical of the steps taken by North Korea to denuclearize. Senators are likely to press her for an updated view on Pyongyang’s nuclear program and missile work.
On the C.I.A. assessment of Mr. Khashoggi’s death.
Lawmakers might also ask Ms. Haspel to discuss her agency’s assessment of the culpability of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia in Mr. Khashoggi’s killing.
Mr. Trump has said he will not upset relations with Saudi Arabia because the United States’ concerns over Iran and its economic ties with the kingdom are more important than concerns over the killing of Mr. Khashoggi.
Privately, Ms. Haspel has taken a tough line, saying the agency believes Prince Mohammed was responsible, but she is not likely to repeat that assessment publicly, instead deferring questions to a closed session, set to follow the public testimony on Tuesday afternoon.
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Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Dec. 27, 2016. (Mikhail Klimentyev/Sputnik, Kremlin Pool Photo via AP)
By Erik Wemple
Media critic
The upside of the New York Times’ aggressive coverage of the FBI investigation into Russian election meddling is that the American public is learning more and more about recent history. The downside is that the newspaper keeps bumping into its archives.
In a massive article Wednesday on the FBI’s 2016 snooping into the possible nexus between Russians and the Trump presidential campaign, reporters Matt Apuzzo, Adam Goldman and Nicholas Fandos include these two paragraphs:
In late October, in response to questions from The Times, law enforcement officials acknowledged the investigation but urged restraint. They said they had scrutinized some of Mr. Trump’s advisers but had found no proof of any involvement with Russian hacking. The resulting article, on Oct. 31, reflected that caution and said that agents had uncovered no “conclusive or direct link between Mr. Trump and the Russian government.”The key fact of the article — that the F.B.I. had opened a broad investigation into possible links between the Russian government and the Trump campaign — was published in the 10th paragraph.
That’s one heck of a concession: We buried the lead! In their book “Russian Roulette,” authors Michael Isikoff and David Corn report that editors at the New York Times “cast the absence of a conclusion as the article’s central theme rather than the fact of the investigation itself,” contrary to the wishes of the reporters.
The article in question was published on Oct. 31, 2016, and it has received a great deal of hindsight-aided scrutiny for the role it may have played in easing voters’ concerns about ties between Donald Trump and Russia. Under the bylines of Eric Lichtblau and Steven Lee Myers, the story, headlined “Investigating Donald Trump, F.B.I. Sees No Clear Link to Russia,” hit the public sphere just as other outlets — Slate and Mother Jones — published reports that began poking at the outlines of possible collusion. Following the election, then-New York Times Public Editor Liz Spayd knocked the newspaper for proceeding too timidly.
In late December, the New York Times published a scoop reporting that the FBI probe launched in July 2016 and that its existence was a secret even within law enforcement. It raised the question: How could the New York Times have reached any conclusions about such a closely held effort? New York Times executive editor Dean Baquet told the Erik Wemple Blog at the time, “It is fair to say we know a lot more now about what the government knew about Russian meddling than we did before the election. We would have cast that story differently but it was never meant to give the Trump campaign a clean bill of health. It reflected the FBI’s skepticism, which was made public after the campaign. And which was all we could report at that moment. By the way, the question of whether there was collusion remains the subject of the investigation.”
In April, fired FBI director James B. Comey’s book tour provided yet another opportunity to revisit the Halloween story. In an interview with New Yorker Editor David Remnick, Comey trashed the piece: “At least with respect to what the goals of the Russian effort were, it’s just wrong.” The article had indicated that “even the hacking into Democratic emails, F.B.I. and intelligence officials now believe, was aimed at disrupting the presidential election rather than electing Mr. Trump.”
In response to Comey’s blast, Baquet told this blog, “I think the headline was off but if you read the story I think it was NOT inaccurate based on what we knew at the time. Sort of like the Hillary Clinton story that turned out to be right.”
Credit the New York Times for the self-criticism couched in the Apuzzo-Goldman-Fandos story. More such caveats may be necessary as the paper continues to examine the back story of the 2016 election.
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