8:31 AM 2/23/2019 - The so called "Bielski partisans" as Nazi collaborators | Collaboration and Complicity during the Holocaust | Judenrat - Wikipedia

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search
The True Story of Three Men Who Defied the Nazis, Built a Village in the Forest, and Saved 1, 200 Jews: Peter Duffy: 9780060935535: Amazon.com: Books
Heroes Among Us - The New York Times
Judenrat - Wikipedia
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Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠ 
Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

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Bielski partisans as Nazi collaborators - Google Search

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The True Story of Three Men Who Defied the Nazis, Built a Village in the Forest, and Saved 1, 200 Jews: Peter Duffy: 9780060935535: Amazon.com: Books

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

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Heroes Among Us - The New York Times

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Anyone passing them on the street would have had no inkling that the brothers led what historians have described as the largest armed rescue of Jews by Jews during the war. Passers-by would never know that the Bielski brothers were among the greatest of war heroes.
They were hidden giants in a city where many gifted people live camouflaged by the trappings of ordinary life. But unlike, say, the immigrant cabdriver who was a lawyer overseas, the Bielskis achieved renown by saving lives, an act whose resonance grows as the number of survivors' descendants increases.
Tuvia died in 1987 and Zus in 1995. Although there was a brief spark of interest in their lives after the publication in 1993 of ''Defiance: The Bielski Partisans'' (Oxford University Press), a scholarly work by a sociology professor at the University of Connecticut named Nechama Tec, the brothers remain anonymous even in death, and even in Brooklyn. No historical markers adorn their homes. A stone honoring Tuvia in the Holocaust Memorial Mall, a small park on Sheepshead Bay, does not mention that he lived much of his life five subway stops away. No one in the Bielski family knew the stone was there until a neighbor told them.
''He would always say, 'I'll be famous after I'm dead,' '' said Lilka Bielski, Tuvia's widow, a regal woman with an expressive face. ''In America, he was a number like everybody else.''
She still lives in the Avenue I home she shared with her husband. Six plaques and medals honoring him hang on the wall in her neat living room. Just above them is a photograph of Tuvia from the 1920's and on the opposite wall is a photograph taken in the forest that shows 30 fighters in military garb, many holding rifles. Most are dead now, almost 60 years later.
A short walk away is the East 22nd Street home of Zus's widow, Sonia. Her memorabilia includes a few plaques, all made after her husband's death, arranged near four framed newspaper articles on the wall of her dining room. By turns spirited and good-natured, she sat at her kitchen table one recent Friday and spoke well into the evening about the war. As the hour grew later, she seemed to grow stronger, more eager to continue.
''There is no family like the Bielskis,'' she said, her voice echoing across the room.
Surviving in Memories
The brothers' memory lives most powerfully in the people they saved, who are spread throughout the world and now number fewer than a hundred. The group has been gathering for functions since the war's end, bonded by their harrowing experience.
Twenty of them collected last month in Valley Stream, N.Y., for a bar mitzvah for two of Zus's grandchildren. While hordes of teenagers danced to the music of 'N Sync and Mariah Carey, their elders chatted with one another, reminiscing about old times.
The women, mostly teenagers during the war and now in their 70's, were outfitted in long strings of pearls and freshly sculptured hair. Many had married older fighters in the forest, men long since dead, and so they outnumbered their male counterparts nearly 2 to 1. One man used a wheelchair, another got around with a walker.
The presence of the Bielski brothers hovered over the event. ''Half of this room wouldn't be here without them,'' said one man. A soundless black-and-white home movie of a 1959 bar mitzvah, in which Tuvia and Zus, already well into middle age, were surrounded by hundreds of war survivors, was broadcast onto a video screen in the front of the large banquet hall, adding a bittersweet touch to the party.
''Even at the last bar mitzvah, there were lot more people,'' said Leah Kotler, 76, of Mill Basin, Brooklyn, pointing out that survivors filled just two tables. ''It is very, very sad. But we expected this in 1942. So this is a bonus just to be alive.''
With little prodding, each survivor told stories of the war, of watching friends and family be rounded up for execution by the Nazis, of escaping the ghetto and searching through the night for the Bielski camp, of surviving years of fear and deprivation.
Charles Bedzow was 17 when he slipped out of the ghetto in Lida, Belorussia, to join the Bielski brigade. ''It was heaven,'' said Mr. Bedzow, a real estate developer who now lives in Montreal. ''We fought the Nazis and we were equal and we found a place where we survived. We were a Jewish brigade and the Germans couldn't destroy us.''
As the number of survivors has declined, the responsibility of remembrance has fallen to their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, 10,000 to 20,000 people, who know the war only through stories told over dining room tables.
''I have this unfinished business in a little corner of my being which haunts me,'' said Michael Bielski, Tuvia's oldest son, who at 48 feels the powerful tug of his own link to valor. ''I need the world to know this story.''
Tough Men for Tough Times
The three Bielski brothers, part of a family of 12 children, grew up in Stankiewicze, which at various times was part of Poland, Belorussia, the Soviet Union and now Belarus. The only Jews in a rural village of a dozen families, the Bielskis ran a farm and mill, and in their transactions with townsfolk the strapping young men never flinched from confrontation.
''Most of my brothers were very tough individuals,'' said Aron Bell, who at 70 is the only surviving son of David and Beila, the Bielski parents. Mr. Bell, a retired businessman who divides his time between the Upper East Side and Palm Beach, Fla. He is five feet and a few inches tall, and unlike his powerfully built brothers, he is slight.
''When they were in their teenage years, the neighbors were already afraid of them,'' he said of his siblings. ''As much as they wanted to beat up a Jew, they wouldn't touch any of our family. Even rich Jews didn't want to associate with them.''
Tuvia, born in 1906, was the third son, but he assumed the mantle of family authority after the two older brothers immigrated to the United States. Tuvia and Zus eventually married and moved to nearby cities. Asael stayed home to manage the farm.
When Nazi Germany invaded Poland in 1939, setting off World War II, western Belorussia was ceded to the Soviet Union, which had signed a nonaggression pact with Hitler. Tuvia was suspect in Soviet eyes because his wife was rich, so he fled to the city of Lida, where he married a second time. The Soviets were less suspicious of Zus, who was offered an administrative job in his town, Novogrudok, and of Asael, who was given a village council position in Stankiewicze.
Then the Nazis arrived. A massive air and ground attack beginning on June 22, 1941, took the Red Army by surprise and left it badly damaged. Chaos followed. Tuvia and Zus were briefly rounded up by the Nazis and put on a work detail. Sensing what was in store, they escaped and swore never to be captured again. The three brothers sought refuge separately in the thickly wooded forests dominating the Belorussian countryside.
The Nazis wasted no time in slaughtering Jews. Two younger Bielski brothers were shot when they tried to escape. A ghetto of 7,000 Jews was established in Novogrudok, and on Dec. 8, 4,000 Jews were lined up and murdered. Among the dead were the Bielski parents, Zus's wife and baby daughter, and Tuvia's first wife.
Aron Bell, who was 11 when his parents were rounded up to be taken to the Novogrudok ghetto, watched from behind a tree. ''They put my parents on a truck,'' he remembered, ''and my mother asked a Gentile who worked for us if he would get her a pair of boots. This man, who had lived with us like he was a member of the family, said to her, 'Where you are going you will not need boots.' ''
By early 1942, the small group living in the forest near Novogrudok included the three brothers along with young Aron, who lived by their wits and obtained food by holding up peasants at gunpoint. After making tentative peace with the wary Russians, who had assumed control of the forests, the small Bielski group formed itself into a military organization led by the hard-drinking, hard-fighting brothers. Tuvia was commander. Asael guided the armed unit, and Zus was head of reconnaissance.
''They were all six-footers, wonderful, beautiful men,'' Sonia Bielski said. ''And when they were sitting on their horses, the whole world was theirs.''
Mr. Bell added, ''When those three were together, you felt like you had an army behind you.''
From the beginning, Tuvia sent men into the ghettos to rescue Jews and take them to the forests. Young fighters were badly needed, but he ordered the rescue of any Jew, battle-ready or not. ''I would rather save one old Jewish woman than kill 10 Nazis,'' he often said.
Lea Friedberg of Flushing, Queens, was living in the Novogrudok ghetto when her parents urged her to head for the forest.
''Six of us went under the wire, like an animal crawls underneath something, late on a dark night in August 1942,'' she said. ''We walked all night. By the time we got to the camp it was getting light. A little group of people was sitting there. I was 15 years old and I didn't know what I was doing and where I was.''
Constantly on the move, the forest dwellers slept in their clothes and lived in small huts dug into the ground, hampered by sickness and lack of food. But they were a community. By October 1942, the group numbered 200. In summer 1943 the group, by then 600, traveled undetected for weeks through Nazi-controlled territory to reach another forest near Novogrudok, where Tuvia hoped to establish a safe, permanent base. But tens of thousands of German troops soon launched an offensive to eliminate the partisans, both Jews and non-Jews. The Bielski brigade trudged far into the forest, navigating through deep swamps.
''We could hear the Germans dogs, and they were shooting over us,'' Sonia Bielski said. ''We were in there for 10 days, without food, without anything. But the Germans didn't want to go in the swamp. Even their dogs didn't want to go into the swamp.''
Once the Germans backed off, the Bielskis set up the camp -- it became known as Jerusalem or Shtetl Bielsk -- where they stayed until the Red Army arrived in July 1944. The population grew large enough to support a small hospital, a tannery, a synagogue, a bakery, a bathhouse and a school.
''It was like a wonderland,'' said Lilka Bielski, who married Tuvia after his second wife died at Nazi hands.
The group stumbled out of the forest in summer 1944 with 1,250 people, most of them working-class Jews who had avoided near-certain liquidation. Only about 50 people were lost during the forest captivity.
''I wouldn't have survived without the Bielskis,'' said Sulia Rubin of Fort Lee, N.J. ''Were they perfect? No, everybody makes mistakes. But they are mine, they are family, I love them.''
Seeking a New Life
The survivors found their former world destroyed and their people massacred. They began searching for a new life.
Asael died later in 1944, after he was conscripted into the Red Army and was killed in battle in Germany. Tuvia and Zus and their wives wound up in Romania. In 1945, the two couples went to Palestine.
They collaborated on an as-told-to book that was published in Hebrew in 1946 and is virtually impossible to find today. But mostly they were family men. Both men had three children, and in 1956, the two families moved to Midwood to be close to relatives. It was a typical American neighborhood of single-family homes, well-tended lawns and Friday night football games, and the Bielski sons all eventually starred on the high school football team.
Tuvia drove a truck for his older brother Walter, who had immigrated to the United States before the war. In the early days, Tuvia's English was so poor he needed someone to sit in the passenger seat to read the signs. Eventually he bought a few of his own trucks, and until he retired in the late 1970's, he could often be found behind the wheel, delivering plastic material to companies in the region.
''It was very hard for him,'' said his son Michael. ''He went from absolute authority -- respect, admiration, loyalty -- to coming to this country and getting a job being a truck driver. I saw this man at age 70 pick up drums of raw plastic material and load them onto a truck, 20 or 30 of them. It would kill me inside that he would wind up his life this way.''
When Tuvia died in 1987, he was nearly penniless. He was buried on Long Island, exhumed a year later and given a state funeral with military honors in Jerusalem.
Zus also blended into the background of American life. He opened a gas station on Kent Avenue in the shadow of the Williamsburg Bridge. Later he sold the station to start a trucking company on nearby Roebling Street. He also made a profitable business leasing taxicab medallions.
For both brothers, nothing was more important than the middle-class ideals of a safe neighborhood and good schools. Like most immigrant parents, they wanted their children to have a normal life. Zus's son, Zvi, 47, remembers spying his father watching his Midwood High football practice.
''When I came home,'' the son recalled, ''I asked him what he thought. He said: 'I never felt so proud. I am glad I came to America.' ''
But the war was never far away from their thoughts. The survivors, many of whom settled in the New York area, gathered frequently for formal banquets with speeches and for less formal card games where the vodka flowed freely.
''We became friends for ever and ever,'' said one survivor. Tuvia, an emotional man who teared up when he spoke of the war, especially relished seeing the children of those he saved. ''It was like they were his own children,'' said his son Robert, 42.
Keeping Memory of Valor Alive
Some survivors wrote memoirs of their experience and spoke at Holocaust museums and before Jewish organizations. The brigade was mentioned in books about the Jewish resistance and in articles, mostly in Jewish publications. They were lauded by figures like the Zionist leader Moshe Sharett and by Meir Kahane, the militant founder of the Jewish Defense League, who told one of Zus's sons that the brigade had been an inspiration to him.
Family members also share war stories. A neighbor in Midwood told Zvi how she huddled in an attic to elude the Nazis, her only hope being that the forest fighters about whom she had heard rumors would come and rescue her. One survivor, now a rabbi in Boston, has called Tuvia's home nearly every Sunday since the war's end, just to make sure that everything is well.
But few in the larger society are aware of the story, unlike the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto or the heroism of Oskar Schindler.
''The Warsaw ghetto uprising, because of a set of elements, symbolizes the whole of Jewish resistance to the general public,'' said Saul Friedlander, a history professor at the University of California at Los Angeles who has written extensively on the Holocaust.
The Bielski story ''didn't have the same echo or resonance,'' Professor Friedlander said.
''It is subsumed within and under the memory of the Warsaw ghetto,'' he said. ''You never know why one memory stays and another disappears. There are no set rules.''
The Schindler story, he said, was relatively unknown until it was popularized by Thomas Keneally in his 1982 novel and then by Steven Spielberg's film.
Zvi, who followed his father into the taxi-leasing business and lives in his boyhood home, remembers how his father, weeks before his death, grabbed his hand with a bearlike grip and told him to ''remember what I did in the war with my brothers.''
He does. He spends hours discoursing on Zus's exploits, points repeated again and again for emphasis. Bounding out of his chair, he re-enacts a scene from the forest, telling how his father slit the throat of a Nazi he discovered wearing a ring that had belonged to one of the brigade's Jews.
Michael, an investor living in Florida, can also talk for hours but, unlike his cousin, emphasizes acts of mercy over acts of revenge. During a recent conversation about his father, he displayed reams of materials -- testimonials from survivors, scrapbooks of newspaper clippings -- which he examined with reverence. As he read his father's words saying he would rather save Jews than kill Nazis, tears filled his eyes and his voice caught. ''I'm sorry,'' he said. ''This is very emotional.''
''People think of this as a Jewish story, and it certainly is,'' he said. ''But it is not just a Jewish story. It is about unbelievable power trying to crush the helpless. It is about the best of humanity in the most evil of times.''
Some family members hope a film will be made about the brothers' experiences. ''Schindler was a Nazi,'' Zvi said with exasperation.
Various projects are under way. One of Tuvia's granddaughters, who works as a film editor in Hollywood, is seeking financing for a documentary. A survivor, Sheila Garberman of Maple Shade, N.J., provided the details for an 80-page children's novel, ''Escape to the Forest,'' written by Ruth Yaffe Radin and published in March by HarperCollins Juvenile Books.
Mr. Bell's son, Alan, speaks in Jewish day schools in the city. ''Who knows who Michael Jordan is?'' he will ask, as every hand in the room shoots up. ''Now, who knows who Zus Bielski is?''
There is concern about memories fading. ''The survivors are so adamant about passing the story on,'' a descendant said. ''I'm not sure the second and third generation is as passionate.''
In the end, the stories may survive simply because they continue to be told. That was illustrated one evening at the home of Robert Bielski, in Mill Basin. Over dinner, Mr. Bielski spoke of the war while his three children listened.
''Did they have tattoos on their arms?'' asked Taylor, 10.
No, his father said, the people in the concentration camps were tattooed.
After the table had been cleared, Taylor and Ariel, 8, grew restless and wandered into another room to play video games.
But Jordan, 13, a black-haired boy wearing a summer camp T-shirt, stayed and listened. As he shuffled about the room, bouncing a ball, he listened intently, processing a tale that was light-years away from his own life experience. In this comfortable apartment on a safe street, a whisper of history was being passed from one generation to the next.
''I am proud to be his son,'' Robert said of his war-hero father. ''And I want to pass this on to my children so they know.''
He shot a glance at his son and they smiled at each other. ''That's profound, right, Jordan?''
Continue reading the main story
Judenrat - Wikipedia

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Judenrat[a] (German: [ˈjuːdn̩ˌʁaːt], "Jewish council") was a World War II Jewish-German-collaborative administrative agency imposed by Germany, principally within the ghettos of occupied Europe, including those of German-occupied Poland. The German administration required Jews to form a Judenrat in every community across the occupied territories.[1]
The Judenrat constituted a form of self-enforcing intermediary that served the German administration for controling larger Jewish communities in occupied areas. In some ghettos, as in the Łódź Ghetto, and in the Theresienstadt and Bergen-Belsen concentration camps, the Germans applied to such councils the name "Jewish Council of Elders" (Jüdischen Ältestenrat or Ältestenrat der Juden).[2][3]
While the origin of the term Judenrat is unclear, Jewish communities themselves had established self-government councils as early as the Middle Ages. The Jewish community used the Hebrew term Kahal (קהל) or Kehillah (קהילה), whereas the German authorities generally used the term Judenräte.
Were there actually 'Jewish perpetrators' of the Holocaust? - Israel News

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Who was Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki referring to on Saturday when he spoke about “Jewish perpetrators” in the Holocaust?
>> To really understand Poland's pivot on the Holocaust, subscribe to Haaretz
Morawiecki was responding to a question from Israeli journalist Ronen Bergman during a session at the Munich Security Conference. Bergman, the son of Polish Holocaust survivors, told the premier that when he was growing up, his mother had said she and her family were saved only because their Gentile neighbors did not know they were there. The neighbors, he said, “snitched to the Gestapo” when there were Jews hiding in the vicinity. Bergman wondered aloud if his revelation would make him subject to criminal charges in present-day Poland.
>> What Poland's PM wanted to achieve with outrageous 'Jewish Holocaust perpetrators' remark <<
Morawiecki denied that anyone needed to fear being punished in Poland for claiming there had been “Polish perpetrators” – just as there were “Jewish perpetrators, as there were Russian perpetrators, as there were Ukrainian – not only German perpetrators.”
There is no denying that the Germans, in occupying Poland, forced the country’s Jews to assist in governing and policing themselves, by way of the Judenrat (the Jewish councils) and the Jewish police, who were responsible for running the day-to-day affairs in the Jewish ghettoes and keeping order. When the Nazis began the process of “liquidating” a ghetto, they would obligate the Judenrat to provide lists of the Jewish residents, and sometimes to select the victims.
In some cases, such as that of Warsaw Ghetto Judenrat head Adam Czerniaków, suicide was preferable to assisting in the deportation of his fellow Jews: Czerniaków ingested a cyanide pill on July 23, 1942 – the day the transports began.

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Far more controversial was Chaim Rumkowski, who headed Lodz Ghetto and implored the Jews there to assist him in turning over the ghetto’s children, as well as its elderly, to the Germans so that the remainder would be saved. Of course, all of Lodz’s Jews were eventually deported, including Rumkowski, who was murdered in Auschwitz, apparently by members of the Jewish Sonderkommando, on August 28, 1944. (The Sonderkommando were another example of Jews being pressed into doing the Nazis’ dirty work for them – in this case, removing dead bodies from the gas chambers.)
But the stories of Rumkowski, and the Jewish police, and many other disturbing episodes of Jews who collaborated with the Germans – some because they thought it would save some lives, others because of what can only be called moral depravity – are well known.
As Havi Dreifuss, a professor of history at Tel Aviv University and a researcher at Yad Vashem, told Haaretz in an interview, “This was one of the first subjects to be tackled by Jewish and Israeli scholars” of the Holocaust, and it continues to be studied today. In Israel, “some Jews were even put on trial for their acts during the Holocaust. Naturally, it is a very sensitive topic, but there’s no taboo on studying it. Even if it was a marginal phenomenon, no one even thinks to suggest that it shouldn’t be researched.”
Dreifuss says she suspects Morawiecki’s Munich comments were part of a larger effort underway in Poland that is intended “to blur the differences between the murderers and the victims.” And the differences, she says, are enormous.
“First, the scope of the phenomenon was marginal in the Jewish case – important but marginal – whereas the hostile reaction of many Poles to the persecuted Jews was a norm in most parts of Poland. Poles hated and feared Nazi Germany, but many of them saw the murder of the Jews as a ‘positive’ outcome of the war. Second, there is the question of motives. While most Jews collaborated hoping to save themselves, their family or part of their community – Poles helped Nazi Germany hunt Jews due to various reasons, among them hatred and financial benefits.”
'Outrageous' comparison
Dr. David Silberklang, a senior historian at Yad Vashem and editor of its Yad Vashem Studies journal, concurred with Dreifuss, saying that it was “outrageous” to make the comparison between Jewish collaborators and Polish ones.
Like Dreifuss, he emphasizes that the phenomenon was “marginal,” and also that Jews who did help the Germans “were looking for a way to save their skins.” Among Gentile Poles, “we’re talking about people who went out of their way to hunt down Jews,” he says.
Morawiecki was at great pains to note that it’s wrong to speak of “‘Polish’ death camps,” since “there was no Polish independent state” during World War II, and the concentration and death camps were organized and operated by the Nazi German occupiers. But even he had to correct himself a short time later when he began a sentence with the words, “In Poland,” and then corrected himself by saying, “On the Polish soil, I should have said, because there was no Poland during the Second World War”
That too, is somewhat misleading, as there was both a Polish government-in-exile – which was based in London during the war – and there was also the Delegatura, which was commonly referred to as the “underground state.” Its job, in the words of Yad Vashem’s Silberklang, “was to try to hold together Polish society against the attacks on it by the Nazis, who were trying to dissolve Polish society.”
Also, there was a Polish police force that numbered some 15,000 in 1942, serving in both the cities and the countryside in the General Government (the Warsaw, Krakow, Radom, Lublin and Eastern Galicia districts). Says Silberklang: “They’re often the ones who are hunting down the Jews who ran away. And they could have decided that they weren’t going to find the Jews.” They could have put on a show of searching for them, before saying, “‘You know, these Jews are just so good at hiding, we’re not able to find them.’ But they didn’t do that, at least not as an institution.”
Furthermore, adds Silberklang, neither the government in exile, nor the Delegatura in occupied Poland, nor any of the various underground military organizations “ever defined fighting the Germans as including trying to help Jews.” There were other nations – Silberklang mentions the Dutch and the Danish – whose resistance organizations did make that part of their mission, but not the Poles. Some would not even accept Jews into their ranks, and some even “actively hunted down Jews and killed them.”
On Saturday, notes Silberklang, Morawiecki “laid a wreath at the burial site of some of them,” referring to the premier’s visit to a Munich cemetery to pay homage to the memory of members of the Holy Cross Mountains Brigade – a far-right, anti-communist underground group – who are buried in Munich.
Argues Silberklang: “It’s not just a matter of ‘Your hero is my criminal; my hero is your criminal.’ Someone who’s actually murdering people can’t be anyone’s hero.”
There was a Polish organization, Zegota, founded by both Jews and non-Jews that was dedicated to rescuing Jews. “But now,” says Silberklang, “it’s used as an example of  the spirit of the Polish people. When the fact of the matter is that Polish rescuers – those who tried to help Jews – had to fear their neighbors more than they had to fear the Germans. Because so many of their neighbors wanted to turn them in.”
As an example, he points to Irena Sendler, the Gentile woman who rescued Jewish children from the Warsaw Ghetto. “She saved dozens, maybe a couple of hundred. And she paid for it. She was punished and beaten by the Germans. But one of her comments [after the war] was that, in Poland, it was easier to hide a tank under a rug than a Jewish child in a Christian home.”
On Sunday, Morawiecki tried to limit the damage caused by his remarks a day earlier. A spokesperson issued a statement claiming that his words “should be interpreted as a sincere call for open discussion of crimes committed against Jews during the Holocaust, regardless of the nationality of those involved.”
However, the new Polish law that recently reignited the debate about Poland and the Holocaust forbids open discussion of that topic, making illegal any statement accusing the “Polish nation, people or state” of participating in any way in the Holocaust.
Dreifuss stresses that the argument here is not between “Jews” and “Poles.” She notes that “there are wonderful Polish scholars who have contributed tremendously to our knowledge about the Holocaust, including – yet not only – on some darker aspects of Polish and Jewish relations.
“The argument is between people who want to write history, and talk about history, based on existing documentation and updated knowledge – and those who don’t want to allow this open discussion,” she adds. “For me, the saddest thing will be if this attempt to blur differences and frighten the promising younger generation of Polish scholars ends up succeeding. Simplification will take over the field, and the complex reality of those dreadful days will be fundamentally harmed.”
Collaboration and Complicity during the Holocaust — United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

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May 01, 2015
One sentence in a speech by FBI Director James Comey at the Museum’s annual dinner on April 15 has triggered a wide-ranging debate about complicity in Poland and Hungary during the Holocaust. Although scholarship continues to illuminate these important questions, much has been clarified in the past 70 years of research.
During World War II, Nazi Germany and its collaborators murdered six million Jews as the Germans sought the domination of Europe and the destruction of European Jewry. As the war proceeded and Germany occupied or allied with almost every European state, it depended on other governments at the national level as well as organizations and individuals at the local level to help carry out what it called “The Final Solution of the Jewish Question.”
Although there was some level of resistance to Nazi Germany in many countries, it was rarely directed at helping Jews. And although some individuals risked their lives to save Jews, they constituted a very small minority. The Germans were relentless in pursuing their goal, but without widespread collaboration the murder of six million Jews and millions of others in just four years would not have been possible.

Poland

Prior to World War II, antisemitism in Poland had been growing, and Polish authorities had taken various measures to exclude Jews from key sectors of society. Some Polish politicians pressed for the mass emigration of Poland’s Jewish population.
Following the German invasion of Poland in 1939, the country was divided between Germany and the Soviet Union. Then in 1941, after the Germans invaded the Soviet Union, all of Poland came under German control.
Poland was brutally occupied by the Germans. The Nazis viewed Poles as racially inferior and targeted Poland’s leadership for destruction, killing tens of thousands of Catholic priests, intellectuals, teachers, and political leaders. Over 1.5 million Poles were deported as forced laborers. In total, at least 2.5 million non-Jewish Polish civilians and soldiers perished.
With the occupation of all of Poland, Germany now had more than three million Polish Jews under its control. The Germans established close to 700 ghettos throughout occupied Poland where tens of thousands of Jews died due to harsh conditions of starvation, overcrowding, and disease.
After killing in mass shootings almost 1.5 million Jews in hundreds of locations in occupied Soviet territories, the Germans decided to construct stationary killing centers in occupied Poland, Auschwitz-Birkenau being the most well known. The ghettos became “holding pens” for Jews before deportation to a killing center.
As German forces implemented the killing, they drew upon some Polish agencies, such as Polish police forces and railroad personnel, in the guarding of ghettos and the deportation of Jews to the killing centers. Individual Poles often helped in the identification, denunciation, and hunting down of Jews in hiding, often profiting from the associated blackmail, and actively participated in the plunder of Jewish property.
There were incidents, particularly in the small towns of eastern Poland, where local Polish residents—acutely aware of the Germans’ presence and their antisemitic policies—carried out or participated in pogroms and murdered their Jewish neighbors. The pogrom in the town of Jedwabne in 1941 is one of the best-documented cases.
The Polish Government in Exile based in London sponsored resistance to the German occupation, including some to help Jews. For example, Zegota, the Council to Aid Jews, saved a few thousand Jews, even though helping a Jew in occupied Poland was punishable by death. Yad Vashem has identified more rescuers from Poland than any other country—6,532.
By the end of the war, three million Polish Jews—90 percent of the prewar population—had been murdered, one of the highest percentages in Europe.

Hungary

Unlike Poland, which was under German rule, Hungary was a willing ally of Nazi Germany.  Hungary adopted antisemitic legislation emulating Germany’s Nuremberg Laws beginning in 1938. With its entry into the war in 1941, Hungary sent 100,000 Jewish men to forced labor, where 40,000 died. That same year, the Hungarian government deported at least 15,000 Jews to German-occupied Ukraine, where they were murdered.
Although Hungary was initially resistant to mass deportations of its Jews, in early 1944 it agreed to do so. After the Germans occupied the country in March 1944, they sent a small SS detachment led by Adolf Eichmann to Budapest to work with a newly appointed prime minister and a more cooperative government. With the approval of Miklos Horthy, the Hungarian head of state, the Hungarian Ministry of the Interior, police, gendarmerie, and local civilian administrators carried out the deportations. In a matter of weeks, from May to early July, they forced 440,000 Jews into ghettos, stripped them of their possessions, and loaded them into trains. Some 425,000 were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. More than three-quarters of them were gassed on arrival, and additional tens of thousands died from disease, starvation, and harsh treatment.
Yad Vashem recognizes 823 Hungarian rescuers, who helped save Jews during the Holocaust.
In the end, nearly 600,000 Hungarian Jews were murdered out of a population of over 800,000; almost 75 percent of the Jewish community had been killed.

The Destruction of European Jewry

To carry out the “Final Solution” across an entire continent, the Germans required the collaboration and complicity of many individuals in every country, from leaders, public officials, police, and soldiers to ordinary citizens. In every country locals participated in a variety of ways—as clerks, cooks, and confiscators of property; as managers or participants in roundups and deportations; as informants; sometimes as perpetrators of violence against Jews on their own initiative; and sometimes as hands-on murderers in killing operations.
Many collaborators were motivated by antisemitism, which had permeated Europe over the centuries and was now actively encouraged by the Nazis and their collaborators. Other motivations included greed, personal advancement, fear, resentment, and peer approval. Regardless of motivation, by the time the Allies liberated German-dominated Europe in the spring of 1945, two out of every three European Jews had been killed.
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Uproar over Poland Holocaust comment clouds summit prospects for Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu

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JERUSALEM - An off-hand comment by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Warsaw about Poland and the Holocaust looks to overshadow a summit of central European leaders this week in Israel.
Poland’s abrupt decision to downgrade its participation in the upcoming Visegrad conference suddenly cast a pall over the gathering, which Netanyahu has touted as a major milestone in his outreach to emerging democracies in eastern Europe and his broader goal of countering the criticism Israel typically faces in international forums.
The crisis was sparked last week when Netanyahu told reporters that “Poles cooperated with the Nazis.” The seemingly innocuous comment infuriated his Polish hosts, who reject suggestions that their country collaborated with Hitler.
Poland’s prime minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, announced Sunday that he would be skipping this week’s Visegrad summit, a gathering with fellow prime ministers from Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Tuesday’s meeting in Jerusalem is the first time the gathering is being held outside of Europe.
But lost in the diplomatic uproar was that Netanyahu was actually defending his close alliance with Poland and other eastern European leaders when he made his comments.
Historians and domestic critics have accused Netanyahu of cozying up too tightly to nationalistic leaders who have promoted a distorted image of the Holocaust and of turning a blind eye to anti-Semitism associated with them.
Morawiecki himself last year equated Polish perpetrators of the Holocaust to supposed “Jewish perpetrators.” Netanyahu has recently hosted leaders of Lithuania, Ukraine and other countries who have engaged in selective World War II-era commemorations that play down their countries’ culpability while making heroes out of anti-Soviet nationalists involved in the mass killing of Jews.
In response to a question from The Associated Press during his two-day visit to Warsaw, Netanyahu said he raises the issue of historical revisionism with the various leaders. He rejected the notion he was a partner to diminishing anyone’s complicity in the genocide of Jews in World War II.
“I know the history. I don’t starch it and I don’t whitewash it. In Lithuania, in particular, there were some horrible things. No one is concealing that,” said Netanyahu, the son of a historian. “This whole idea that we diminish history — we don’t distort, and we don’t hide, and no one has any interest in that, on the contrary.”
In the same briefing with his traveling press corps, Netanyahu tried to deflect prominent criticism by Israeli historians of the deal he struck with Polish leaders over their country’s controversial Holocaust speech law, which criminalized blaming the Polish nation for crimes committed against Jews during World War II.
Israeli officials saw it as an attempt by Poland to suppress discussion of the well-documented killing of Jews by Poles during and after the wartime German occupation.
“Poles collaborated with the Nazis and I don’t know anyone who was ever sued for such a statement,” Netanyahu told the reporters.
However, some media outlets reported him saying “THE Poles,” which set off an angry rebuke in Warsaw, including a summoning of the Israeli ambassador for clarifications. Netanyahu’s office said he was misquoted and blamed the misunderstanding on an editing error in an Israeli newspaper.
The Polish government nonetheless said it considered that response insufficient and threatened to withdraw from the conference.
Netanyahu’s office then reiterated that he “spoke of Poles and not the Polish people or the country of Poland.” That only got him in hotter water at home for seemingly catering to the Polish obsession over his wording.
“The prime minister of the Jewish state is selling out the memory of the Holocaust for a dubious alliance with an anti-Semitic leader,” said Tamar Zandberg, leader of the opposition Meretz party.
The summit is expected to go forth this week in Jerusalem even without Morawiecki, with Polish Foreign Minister Jacek Czaputowicz replacing him.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who is expected to attend, is another such leader who has trod into the sensitive terrain of World War II conduct. He has lavished praise on Miklos Horthy, Hungary’s World War II-era ruler, who introduced anti-Semitic laws and collaborated with the Nazis. Orban also has backed a state-funded museum that experts say plays down the role of Hungarian collaborators and also used anti-Semitic imagery in a campaign against the liberal American-Hungarian billionaire George Soros.
When pressed by, though, Netanyahu came to his ally’s defense.
“His response was the most direct, saying ‘We are not willing to accept this,'” Netanyahu responded. “He (Orban) attacked Horthy at some point. They are going the furthest here.”
Netanyahu also addressed his warm welcome in January to President Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine, whose parliament had just designated the birthday of Ukrainian wartime collaborator Stepan Bandera a national holiday.
Bandera’s forces fought alongside the Nazis and were implicated in the murder of thousands of Jews. The same day Poroshenko was visiting Israel, another memorial was being erected in Kiev for Symon Petliura, whose troops are linked to pogroms that killed as many as 50,000 Jews after World War I.
Netanyahu said he was not aware of that specifically but that he had some discussions with Poroshenko on the larger issue.
“I spoke to him too. I speak to them all. It’s not that we can’t raise the issue. We raise it freely,” he insisted.
Still, he then quickly shifted attention toward the contemporary anti-Semitism from the “anarchist left” and Muslim communities.
“I think the mass of anti-Semitism today in Europe is what is happening in western Europe,” Netanyahu said. “What is happening in Britain is astounding. This is the new phenomenon. There is the anti-Semitism of the right that hasn’t changed. That existed and still exists.”

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Netanyahu now endorses Jewish fascism. U.S. Jews, cut your ties with him now - U.S. News

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

Benjamin Netanyahu faced media criticism this week for hosting the right-wing prime ministers of the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary who have been accused of being anti-immigrant and anti-Semitic. But in response, Likud MK Anat Berko epitomized Netanyahu’s politics in a single sentence: "They might be anti-Semites, but they’re on our side."
Netanyahu lost his moral compass years ago, but in this election cycle - a chronicle of a victory foretold - he no longer cares about appearing as the fascist-enabling Pied Piper who will lead Israel into oblivion and isolation only to keep himself in power.
Netanyahu has been working hard in the last few weeks to help create a coalition between Jewish Home, the latest incarnation of the Mafdal, a venerable religious Zionist party, and a party called Otzma Yehudit, which could be called the Jewish National Front, a radical far right party whose members, like its former leader, Baruch Marzel, were followers of Meir Kahane’s Kach Party. Baruch Goldstein, who massacred 24 Palestinians at prayer in Hebron in 1994, was a Kach member at that time.
On February 11th Netanyahu tweeted:
The Jewish home, Jewish Power, Eli Yishai, and the National Union must unite to save 6-8 seats to the right-wing bloc. We must not lose these votes because the split on the right will lead to a loss in the elections and the establishment of a leftist government. None of them alone does pass the threshold, uniting them will bring at least 6-8 seats.
Just over a week later, his efforts proved successful. The Jewish Home and Otzma Yehudit agreed to run together in Israel's upcoming elections  in exchange for Netanyahu promising Jewish Home two ministerial positions in the next government and a slot on the Likud party list.
This may seem like a political puppet show, or familiar political horse-trading. But it isn't.

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It shows how far to the right the Israeli right has gone.
Betzalel Smotrich, an MK for Jewish Home who famously organized the "Beast Parade" as protest to the Pride Parade in Jerusalem and has declared his support for segregating Jews and Arabs, not only in settlements, but also in hospitals, tweeting, "It is natural that my wife would not want to lay down next to someone who just gave birth to a baby that might want to murder her baby in another 20 years," could be the post-election minister of education.
Moti Yogev, another Jewish Home MK, said that Israel's Supreme Court should be razed with a bulldozer. And now, Jewish Home has merged with Otzma Yehudit - who are even more extreme.
Yes, there have always been extremist elements in the Israeli political sphere, but they have always been outcasts. When Meir Kahane got elected, MP tried to impeach him, and when he spoke at the Knesset, MKs would leave the plenum in protest.
These days, Netanyahu isn’t only failing to condemn right-wing extremism; he is working to strengthen it, to endorse it taking its place in the halls of the Knesset, to let its members incite there. Netanyahu is effectively providing the most violent elements in the Israeli society political immunity.
It’s not that the extreme, religious right has gotten closer to Netanyahu, but Netanyahu has become the face of the extreme right. Netanyahu likes to be compared to Churchill, but a comparison to an early Slobodan Milosevic is more appropriate.
In his early years, Milosevic wasn’t considered extreme, but he gave free reign for extreme movements in Serbia for his own cynical reasons, until he identified a moment of crisis and propelled one of the twentieth century's most brutal regimes.
This is a moment of crisis for Israel as a liberal democracy, but it is just as much a moment of crisis, and a test, for American Jews.
How can there be so much discussion of "Anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism" when Israel’s prime minister invites anti-Semites to dinner?
How can U.S. Jews stand up against Trump and for human rights when they support an Israeli government that is actively supporting racism, segregation, intolerance, and bigotry, against its Arab population and all who uphold liberal values?
Will U.S. Jews keep inviting and respecting a prime minister who advocates for the inclusion of fascists and racists within his government, and annoints their hatred as acceptable political speech?
Will American Jews embrace a government against which they would stand up with all their might if it was their government?
Sometimes, we are defined by what we reject. Let this be that moment.
Etan Nechin is an Israeli-born journalist, author, and online editor for The Bare Life Review, a journal of immigrant and refugee literature. Twitter: @Etanetan23 
Benjamin Netanyahu's embrace of far-right extremists may seal his fate

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By F. Brinley Bruton and Paul Goldman
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has proved to be the Houdini of Israeli politics — an expert escape artist who extricates himself from the trickiest of situations to remain in power.
But his latest gambit may prove to be the beginning of the end of his more than a decade on the world stage.
Netanyahu announced this week that he was forging an alliance with a fringe extremist party inspired by an American-born rabbi, Meir Kahane, who advocated a Jewish theocracy and the forced removal of Palestinians.
Ex-military chief Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid, head of the Yesh Atid party, subsequently announced they were joining forces in a bid to oust Netanyahu in the April 9 elections.
Opinion polls suggest their centrist coalition, known as the Blue and White after the colors of the Israeli flag, could triumph over Netanyahu’s Likud at the ballot box. Three major corruption cases further cloud Netanyahu's future.
"For the first time in an election campaign since 2009, it seems that we are entering a truly competitive race for the premiership,” said Yohanan Plesner, a former lawmaker and president of the nonpartisan Israel Democracy Institute. “As a result of this unification there are two legitimate major parties competing for premiership.”
In the face of this potential election threat, Netanyahu reached out to the extreme right of Israeli politics for support, and helped broker a union between the Jewish Power and Jewish Home parties.
The new grouping includes Bezalel Smotrich, who declares himself a "proud homophobe"; Itamar Ben-Gvir, an attorney who defends Israeli settlers implicated in West Bank violence; and Benzi Gopstein, leader of an extremist anti-assimilation group whose Twitter handle means "Kahane was right."
Netanyahu's Likud party said it would reserve the 28th spot on its parliamentary list for the Jewish Home party and grant it two Cabinet ministries in a future government if it merged with the Jewish Power party.
It is this merger that has caused the greatest concern. Jewish Power are political heirs of Kahane's Jewish Defense League — which is considered a terrorist organization by the FBI.
Kahane himself served a term in the Knesset in the 1980s as head of the Kach party, which pushed for intermarriage between Israeli Jews and Arabs to be banned.
The movement was later banned from Israeli politics as racist. Kahane was assassinated in 1990 in New York by an Egyptian-born American.
In a tweet, the Anti-Defamation League's chief executive, Jonathan Greenblatt, condemned the Jewish Power-Jewish Home linkup.
“There should be no room for racism and no accommodation for intolerance in Israel or any democracy,” he said. “It is troubling that they are being legitimized by this union.”
But will Netanyahu's dealmaking with the far-right be enough to defeat the fledgling Blue and White alliance and allow him to remain in power?
“The Kahanists are a bunch of fascists,” said Yossi Mekelberg, a professor of international relations at Regent’s University London.
Mekelberg, who is also an associate fellow at Chatham House, a think tank in London, said Israeli voters may feel Netanyahu has gone a step too far this time — the key word being “may.”
This is because Netanyahu has successfully found common cause with Israel’s hard right for years.
“Has this Houdini — Netanyahu — run out of tricks, and is this one trick too far?” Mekelberg said. “Rationally thinking, you would argue that the public would see through him.”
The ultimate pragmatist, Netanyahu has stayed in power through an intricate and evolving series of alliances with right wing and religious parties since becoming prime minister in 2009 — his second stint as premier.
He has managed to stay in his job despite serious allegations of wrongfully accepting gifts from wealthy businessmen and dispensing favors to try to win favorable coverage in an Israeli newspaper and a website. Netanyahu denies the allegations.
He also fell out with Barack Obama, then the leader of Israel’s most important ally, over the nuclear deal with Iran. More recently he has embraced President Donald Trump, who withdrew from the nuclear agreement and moved the American Embassy to Jerusalem — two moves that proved overwhelmingly popular among ordinary Israelis, and a major boost for Netanyahu.
And he often resorts to anti-Arab rhetoric.
Netanyahu's campaign speeches are peppered with comments about how Arab parties are disloyal to Israel. Palestinian Israelis make up 20 percent of the population.
On the eve of elections in 2015, he declared that “Arab voters are heading to the polling stations in droves.” According to some experts, this tipped a close election in his favor.
On Thursday, Netanyahu warned that Gantz and Lapid would conspire with Arab parties to stop him from forming a parliamentary majority.
"Tonight the decision is as clear as it ever was: a new left-wing government, weak, led by Lapid and Gantz, with a blocking majority of Arab parties, or a strong right-wing government presided over by me," he said.
Mekelberg said that bringing the far-right closer to the center of power and into the mainstream, as Netanyahu is trying to do, has long-term implications for Israel.
“The meeting between fascism and opportunism is disastrous for any country,” he said. “Can the Israeli people see through it and say, 'We do not want to be associated with it'? I have no evidence of this — let’s wait another week when the campaign is on the way.”
F. Brinley Bruton reported from London, and Paul Goldman from Tel Aviv.
F. Brinley Bruton is a London-based senior editor for NBC News Digital. She focuses on news from the Middle East, Afghanistan and Pakistan. 
Paul Goldman is a Tel Aviv-based producer and video editor for NBC News.
Reuters and Associated Press contributed.
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Voters can choose between 44 candidates for the elections.[3]
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Netnayahu Accuses Rivals of Relying on Arab Votes

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Saturday, 23 February, 2019 - 07:45
From left to right: Blue and White party leaders Moshe Ya'alon, Benny Gantz , Yair Lapid and Gabi Ashkenazi pose for a picture after announcing their new electoral alliance in Tel Aviv on February 21, 2019. (Jack Guez/AFP)
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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu blasted Benny Gantz saying that he is leading a left-wing alliance that relies on Arab parties and seeks to destroy the Jewish state.
Netanyahu went on the offensive after Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid’s parties united to form the Blue and White Party, accusing them of endangering Israel’s security and economic success.
"A government like this will destroy our economy. Sooner or later, probably sooner, they will establish a Palestinian state... that will endanger our existence,” he said.
“We have been in this picture twice before with generals on the Left who dress up as Right and talk about unity, but want left-wing policies,” he added.
“In 1992 we got Yitzhak Rabin and the Oslo disaster, and in 1999 we got Ehud Barak and the Intifada, with exploding buses and over a thousand killed,” Netanyahu continued.
"They say the country is in a bad condition," he said, "it's never been in a better condition."
Further, Israel's Central Elections Commission has announced that the number of parties competing in forthcoming Kenneset elections (Israeli parliament) reached an unprecedented record that is 47 partied compared to 28 in the year 2015 -- the parties are competing over 120 seats.
Surveys show that Blue and White would win 35-36 seats in the elections, ahead of Likud that would get up to 25-30.
This year’s elections seems to witness one of the fiercest battles in the history of Israel, not only because Netanyahu wants to win prime ministry but also because he wishes to evade prison for corruption charges.
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M.N.: This is a very important story. It confirms my impressions, formed earlier, that the Orthodox Judaism in general, and its various offshoots , such as "Chabad Lubavitch" and other "Hasidic movements", just like the State of Israel itself (God bless it), are nothing less and nothing more than the creations of the Abwehr and the New Abwehr (after WW2), which themselves were and are predominantly half or part Jewish, especially in their "top heavy" leadership circles, including Canaris himself and most of his commanding officers, as exemplified by this particular one described in this article

It was a historically formed and a historically determined circumstance: the ethnically German junkers looked down upon the Intelligence work which, as they felt, was not compatible with their ideal of the "honest military service", and they gladly or by necessity gave this area to the Jews and part Jews to manage. Another half of this formula might have been in the objective military observations that the smart, creative, ambitious, and quite German-wise patriotic Jews were simply much better and more efficient in this area, and they accepted and practiced this observation as the rule of their science and arts of wars and espionage. 


For the half and part Jewish Abwehr officers this "half and half" became their ideal and their elaborate "philosophy": the fusion of the Germanic and the Hebrew Spirits and their best embodiment and representations (in the high Abwehr officers, of course). 


It also included the criteria for the personnel selection; most of the Abwehr high officers do LOOK half or part Jewish


This point is very important for the understanding of the Abwehr's and the New Abwehr's psychology, outlook, and the nature, the character, and the distinguishing, the "diagnostic" features of their operations


The New Abwehr apparently, influences and manipulates the Orthodox Judaic movements, especially their pet project, the "Chabad Lubavitch" and other "Hasidic movements" quite heavily and almost absolutely invisibly, masking and advertising their "Putin connection" as the quite efficient, convenient, and convincing cover. 


These issues need the sophisticated and in-depth research. 


With regard to Trump Investigations, this assumption, or the working hypothesis, as described above, has the direct bearing and is a factor in understanding the Sphinx The Regent Jared Kushner, his family, their origins, and the origins of their wealth


The so called "Bielski Partisans" absolutely could not exist, function, and survive (quite nicely, with the trainloads of the robbed Nazi Gold and jewelry, which they later invested in the US real estate and other successful business ventures-rackets) without the overt or tacit approval and consent from the Abwehr which controlled everything on the occupied territories


The Kushner Crime Family was the tool: kapos and the enforcers for the Abwehr. They became their money launderes and money managers after the WW2, when Abwehr moved them to the US


The Trump Crime Family was the long term Abwehr assets, starting from Frederich Trump, Donald's grandfather, who run the bordellos for them, and including Fred Trump, Donald's father who built the "economy" housing for the newly arrived Abwehr agents, mixed into the mass of the legitimate refugees, and who also became the money launderer and the money manager for the Abwehr and the New Abwehr


Recently they (the New Abwehr planners) decided to merge these two families into a singleTrump-Kushner Crime Family, in what was clearly the arranged marriage between Jared and Ivanka, in preparation and as the first step towards Operation Trump
It was helped, as the apparent second step in this arrangement, by Wendi Deng the "Chinese spy", as alleged and circulated by Rupert Murdoch, her husband at the time. Both of them, just as, hypothetically, the FOX News Corporation were (and are?) heavily influenced by the New Abwehr. For Murdoch this proclivity apparently also runs in a family.  This is the apparent pattern of this prudent way of family recruitment; universally, and for the Abwehr in particular. 

This aspect is also important for the understanding of the role that Felix Sater and his "Chabad" sect played in the "Trump - Russia Affair". 


This thesis about the connection between the Orthodox Judaism and Abwehr is also consistent with the "Abwehr Diagnostic Triad" which was formulated by me earlier, as consisting of: 

  1) Judeophobia (as the psychological product of these described above circumstances: the Abwehr half Jews were the GOOD (half) JEWS, all the rest were "very bad, sick, and contaminating" Jews), 

2) Homophobia (the so called "Internalized Homophobia", stemming from the personal aspects of the Abwehr leadership and reflecting the general, very permissive attitude towards homosexuality among the German military circles before and especially in the aftermath of the WW1), and 


3) the specific Austrophobia or the so called Anti-Austrian sentiment (distrust and hate of all things Austrian), which stems from the Austro - Prussian War of 1866 and from the Austria–Prussia rivalry.


In the "Trump Affair", the Austrophobia aspect is expressed by the New Abwehr planners in the concept of the "decadent and dishonest, not to be trusted", part Jewish, Hapsburg Group, and this circumstance can be viewed as the particularly "telling", or highly suggestive and indicative, "pathognomonic", of the Abwehr operations. 



Michael Novakhov

2.13.19 

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